So you are saying that to regain PP and Hougang, the PAP has to give national or islandwide concession and not target specific concession to PP and Hougang.
Could you elaborate what these concession would be like.
National concession would of course be something of national policy. Either the ruling party dishes out a good policy or the opposition prevents a bad policy from taking place. The former can be done, but not the latter. The PAP can give ERS, NSS, GST credits, implement SPURS etc. However, the opposition cannot stop increasing of retirement age, increase GST or forcing people to buy annuities.
I'm not saying the message will stick, but the two-thirds principle is the principle behind Parliamentary democracy that the people needs to understand - the ideal balance to achieve both ends. If the PAP wanted to set aside more money for SPURS or reduce medical costs, I'm sure the opposition won't oppose even if they have more than a-third to block the bills.
At the end, threats like keeping PP and HG MRT closed did not take place. It can't. I long knew PP and HG MRTs would be opened, though did not expect Buangkok to happen. At the most you can give abalone porridge. Yet it made no impact islandwide or seats changed hands.
In my view it isn't going to be easy to win back PP and HG, just like it isn't easy to win a PAP ward. Like any country around the world, seats have changed hands due to 2 reasons: 1. nationwide swing in which candidates at the winning margin ride on 2. screwup of incumbent.
Policy-making is more complex than most people think. A government would do well to achieve a "comfort" level to retain its power. It is not "analysing this policy has to be good", "I am quite learned because I read alot" "I implement, I expect it would work", "the more reviews the more it should work". Policy is considered working only when it has filtered down well and digested well and the side effects are minimal or adjusted away quickly. Good governments review the impact of its policy consistently for months and years. Lazy governments don't, so they often do not know that things have gone messy behind their backyard.
I've kept away from the issue lest people align me to the PAP, but for your benefit I would share my view. Pinpointing ministerial targets would work less only because the constituency, not the entire nation, votes for the minister. The GRC in mention has one of the best housing facet in Singapore. It has all the facilities one can hope for. The demographics are middle aged parents with teenage or young-adult children with no intention to sell or buy flat. Most people who buy flats there do well or come from another "value" estate like Tiong Bahru, Queenstown. It would be hardpressed to think that Singapore voters would vote out the minister of his GRC because his policies affect people in other GRCs. If that was the case people would not have not in my backyard syndrome, depending on HG and PP people to put the opposition in. Put Mah in Pasir Ris Punggol or an aging estate with a lot of getting-married people like Toa Payoh and I assure he'll be more vulnerable - though how much more I do not know.
Ditto for Sembawang. The promised hospital that was not built was in its vicnity and the helmsman is the health minister. SDP of course did not focus on that as this has never been their traditional focus and they might not have won if they did as a hospital is considered somewhat "inauspicious" if built near one's home. It did however focus on the NKF issue (until nomination) which means it is not a new "strategy" as claimed. However if only 90% of NKF donors "ba-lunged-lunged" in Sembawang, I assure SDP would get more than the 23% it achieved. Hence it makes sense at least to me to "target" a minister for not only a weak policy but one which its weak policy affects his/her ward most, because not all wards have enjoyed the same benefits of policy.