The deadly consequences of the games that Israel plays
Michael Shaik
January 1, 2009
"Hamas has broken the ceasefire and engaged in an act of aggression against Israel. Israel has responded."— Julia Gillard
ACTING Prime Minister Julia Gillard's statement to the media has an undeniable logic, which was elaborated by Fania Oz-Salzberger on this page in yesterday's Age.
The firing of rockets into Israel, Oz-Salzberger argues, is an unprovoked act of aggression that requires a response. While Israelis may regret the dreadful necessity of the unfolding slaughter in Gaza, they are, in fact, the victims of a cynical Hamas ploy that deliberately "pitches infantry among infants and babies among barricades".
In the 18th century, Voltaire noted that "those who can make you believe absurdities can make you commit atrocities". To understand Israel's offensive, therefore, one must examine how the foregoing narrative fits with reality.
The Gaza Strip is the most crowded area in the world today, with 1.5 million Palestinians — most of whom are refugees banned from returning to their homes in Israel — eking out an existence in a walled-in holding pen on the edge of the Mediterranean. In 2000, the World Health Organisation reported that Gaza's water supply, which is being depleted by Israel's diversion of its artesian waters, was no longer fit for human consumption.
In 2005 Israel "disengaged" from the Gaza Strip by withdrawing 8000 of its settlers. According to the architect of the disengagement, Ariel Sharon, its purpose was to consolidate Israel's settlements in the West Bank.
When Hamas won the Palestinian elections in 2006, Israeli officials declared their intention to punish the Palestinians by putting them on a "diet". The diet was intensified in 2007, following the seizure of power in Gaza by Hamas. Imports and exports were suspended and the supply of food, medicine, electricity and fuel has been alternately reduced to a trickle or cut off altogether.
The result, according to the UN Relief and Works Agency, is that Gaza has become "the first territory to be intentionally reduced to a state of abject destitution, with the knowledge, acquiescence and — some would say — encouragement of the international community".
Israel's premise in imposing its diet on the people of Gaza was that they would turn against Hamas when they realised how much worse off they were than their compatriots in the West Bank. Over the past year, this assumption has been utterly discredited.
Since the Annapolis peace summit of November 2007, Israeli settlement construction has accelerated markedly throughout the West Bank and exponentially in Palestinian East Jerusalem. While Fatah's "security forces" have co-operated with Israel in liquidating Palestinian resistance cells, they have no control over the checkpoints that regulate Palestinian life in the West Bank and are powerless to protect their people from attacks by Israeli soldiers and settlers.
But in Gaza, where the Hamas party has refused to unilaterally renounce the armed struggle, Israel agreed to a ceasefire based on a rough balance of terror. Though hungry and cold, Gaza's people have until recently enjoyed a security that West Bank Palestinians can only dream about.
On November 4, the ceasefire was shattered by the Israeli Army when it crossed into Gaza to destroy a tunnel and kill six Palestinian militants, calculating (correctly) that the international media would be too focused on America's presidential election to properly cover the attack.
Its motives for breaking the ceasefire and the recent escalation of its attacks on Gaza are probably due to a number of factors. The first is its wish to restore what Israelis euphemistically call its "deterrence credibility".
Israel's generals are known to have felt deeply humiliated by the ceasefire. By seeking a decisive victory over Hamas they hope to re-establish Israel's military prestige as the region's mini-superpower.
The second is attributable to domestic political factors. Decisive action against recalcitrant Arabs has always played well with the Israeli public. With an election looming and the opposition Likud party leading in the polls, the Israeli Government's demonstrated willingness to punish Hamas regardless of civilian casualties has, as Oz-Salzberger notes, turned the tables on Likud "in a uniquely Israeli way".
The final reason is probably the most obvious but needs to be emphasised: Israel is counting on its supporters around the world to "contextualise" the offensive.
While impossible to disprove, Oz-Salzberger's assertion that Israel's attempts to "surgically strike" military targets are being frustrated by Hamas' strategy of deliberately putting Palestinian children in harm's way is contradicted by a broad consensus of reports by human rights organisations, which have consistently reported instances of Palestinian civilians being killed by excessive lethal force, while failing to discover a single case of Palestinian militants using children as human shields.
Israel's decision to launch its surprise attack at 11.30 on Saturday morning when Palestinian children throughout Gaza would be leaving their morning classes or on their way to afternoon classes is also more consistent with its policy of punishing Gaza's civilian population than with a strategy of surgical strikes.
Julia Gillard's parroting of Israel's falsification of the historical record and blithe endorsement of Israel's horrendous attacks on the Gaza Strip raise some troubling questions regarding the Australian Government's policy orientation in the Middle East.
What possible national interests, one might wonder, are being served when the Australian Government so readily sacrifices our international reputation to curry favour with the Australian Israel lobby?
Michael Shaik is the public advocate for Australians for Palestine.