Chitchat Keling Mad Hatter To Fuck Anwar In The Ass Yet Again! Possible m&d-Only Jiuhu Gahmen Formed! No More Anwar, No More DAP!

[laksaboy]

This was predicted in this ad song:

Anwar ya fuck you in the ass.

 

[Hypocrite-The]

Anwar confirms was offered PM post by Umno | Malay Mail

PKR president Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has today confirmed that Umno had offered him the prime minister post if he joined the party to form the federal government just before last week’s political crisis. — Picture by Miera Zulyana
KUALA LUMPUR, March 4 — PKR president Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim has today confirmed that Umno had offered him the prime minister post if he joined the party to form the federal government just before last week’s political crisis.
Anwar simply wrote “Yes” on Twitter, attaching a report quoting PKR’s Setiawangsa MP Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad revealing the offer, but did not elaborated further.
Yesterday, Nik Nazmi had shared in an Instagram post that Anwar could have been appointed as prime minister if he had abandoned his Pakatan Harapan (PH) allies, and embrace Umno leaders who are facing numerous corruption and criminal charges.
“However, he refused to betray the mandate of the people simply for the sake of obtaining the premiership,” Nik Nazmi wrote.
Nik Nazmi said that matter was disclosed to him by Anwar himself.
PH had named Anwar as its prime minister candidate following the resignation of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad.
However, the pact threw its support behind Dr Mahathir after Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin received support from his party, Barisan Nasional and PAS to form the next government.
The move failed to convince the Yang di-Pertuan Agong, which led to Muhyiddin being sworn in as prime minister on Sunday.

 

[Hypocrite-The]

How Malaysia Stands To Lose Billions Thanks To The Return Of The Kleptocrats

• 4 March 2020

As Malaysians scratch their heads to work out why on the one hand PM7 was denied a swift return of parliament (the supreme authority in the land) to test the support of the people’s representatives, yet on the other hand PM8 was allowed instead to AVOID thus testing his legitimacy for a jaw-dropping three months, here is more to think about.
By allowing the bunch of thieves and kleptocrats accused by the United States, and indeed the world, of stealing billions from 1MDB back into the ruling coalition (a minority government that has yet to gain legitimacy in Parliament and looks unlikely to do so) Malaysia has triggered a devastating rule regarding the return of stolen monies.
Insiders have confirmed to Sarawak Report that the rules governing the US Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Unit specify that unless a new reforming government has been established in the victim country from which seized assets were taken, the funds must not be returned.
Countries like Somalia and Sudan, from whom assets have also apparently been seized by the unit, have yet to see the return of their monies for that reason according to these sources.
However, thanks to the election of the new PH government, committed to prosecuting the crimes and to combatting corruption, around US$1 billion had already been returned to Malaysia and much more was on its way.
The procedure each time that moneys have been returned has been that the new government has been obliged to sign a pledge to the US that they will not return to the perpetrators and that the perpetrators are no longer in office. That signed pledge will no longer be possible to procure now that PM8 presides over a coalition with UMNO where leading lights are having to take time off court to discuss their cabinet posts.
Malaysia has plummeted to Somalia/Sudan status overnight in this respect and those in the know have warned Sarawak Report that there was a prospect of at least $3 billion and probably £4 billion still to come from the United States as the proceeds of their actions complete their course. That money includes prospective fines from Goldman Sachs.
None of this money will now be sent to Malaysia under the rules governing the actions and written into the constitution of the Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Unit.
Abu Dhabi and The Vanishing Prospect of $8 Billion Settlement
Of course, it is much worse than that. Because, Malaysia had started to gain the strong upper hand in the on-going case against Abu Dhabi in the UK High Court.
Malaysia has been suing the Emirate for a cool $8 billion over the duplicitous complicity of its highest officials in the original thefts from 1MDB and then for the duplicitous deals reached with Najib by the country’s highest officials to hide the scandal in return for vast payments from the Malaysian public purse.
A devastating recorded phone call has just recently been released by the MACC and heard by all Malaysians in which the criminal behind the thefts, present cabinet hopeful Najib Razak, begged with the Crown Prince of Abu Dhabi himself to help cover up his thefts.
Najib brazenly chose to remind the Crown Prince in that call that a cover up was in both their interests to protect people ‘dear to the Crown Prince himself’ as well as Najib. The Crown Prince can be heard to concur in this and to agree to do all he can to help cover up the scandal as it is in both their interests.
This was clinching evidence of a conspiracy against the Malaysian people entered into by the two leaders, who soon signed a crippling deal back in 2016 whereby the Malaysian government agreed to pay billions to Abu Dhabi, essentially to keep the matter quiet.
Since both countries were after around $8 billion considered to be at stake this was a massive opportunity for Malaysia to get the money back through the legal action.
Now Malaysians can kiss goodbye to the money, because all can see how a cabinet controlled by UMNO masquerading behind the less than healthy puppet PM8 will be demanding that the case be dropped and that Malaysia be forced continue to pay Abu Dhabi the crippling hush money.
The kleptocracy trials will be seen to continue doubtless, but Altantuya style. The prosecutors will be constrained, evidence suppressed and the judges bullied. Najib already can’t resist smirking about it all in public.
Were the High Court to rule in favour of the blatant guilt, given the overwhelming evidence, the power-brokers will soon challenge in the Appeal and Supreme Courts where Najib’s boys have rigged countless trials including that outrageous appeal of an acquittal of Anwar Ibrahim, later found to be illegal.
Whilst they challenge these verdicts against their outrageous crimes, the likes of Najib and Zahid will expect PM8 to give them bail and cabinet posts (senior posts so they can steal lots more money in double quick time).
Not only will this mean that the money from the US will stop dead in its tracks, it is bound to result in a negotiated end to the Abu Dhabi case and a return to the agreement to pay billions of dollars to the dodgy Emiratis in return for not exposing Najib’s crimes.
Except, Najib’s crimes have now been fully exposed and Malaysians can see exactly what has been done to them in the name of a minority government without legitimacy that dare not convene parliament because it doesn’t have the numbers.
The Sultan ought to over-rule this situation and repair his earlier mistake. Otherwise, Malaysia will be treated to three months of watching a bunch of crooks as they strive to bribe and bully some 40 MPs into betraying their voters and ‘legitimising’ the government of PM8.
PM8 stands naked in this situation, as does UMNO and do PAS and it is not a pretty sight.
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[Hypocrite-The]

How Malaysia’s government collapsed in two years
By Jonathan Head
South East Asia correspondent
Share this with EmailShare this with FacebookShare this with TwitterShare this with WhatsappImage caption Muhyiddin Yassin has now been catapulted into power
It was seen as a historic turning point - an election that overturned a party which had been in power for more than 60 years.
But less than two years later, the new government is out, and the old ruling party back in power. So why did a coalition whose victory had ignited such hopes for change in Malaysia collapse so quickly?
Malaysia has a new prime minister after a week of unprecedented political turmoil and uncertainty. Muhyiddin Yassin is an unassuming career politician who was ejected from the then-government party Umno in 2016.
He joined forces with political heavyweights Mahathir Mohammad and Anwar Ibrahim to form a multi-party, multi-ethnic coalition called Pakatan Harapan (PH).
Together they rode a wave of public anger over corruption to inflict the first-ever election defeat on the Umno-led coalition Barisan Nasional (BN).
But the events of the past week - in which Mr Muhyiddin brought down the government by defecting with more than 30 MPs, and forming an alliance with his old party - have been a shattering blow to those who saw the 2018 election as a watershed, a new beginning for the country.
"I am sorry for failing you. I tried. I really tried to stop them", tweeted Syed Saddiq, a telegenic young Malay politician whose stunning victory in a Johor seat in 2018 was seen as emblematic of the hunger for change.
A member of Mr Muhyiddin's party, Syed Saddiq, is refusing to join him in working with Umno. There have been protests against what is being called a "backdoor government".
"This is utter betrayal," said lawyer and activist Fadya Nadwa Fikri. "People didn't vote for this."
Image caption Many have refused to accept the recent turn of events, calling it a "betrayal"
Pakatan was an eclectic coalition, bringing together the reformist Keadilan party of Anwar Ibrahim, the main ethnic Chinese party, the DAP, and two anti-Umno Malay parties, Amanah and Bersatu.
The last was led by Mahathir Mohamad, the veteran former prime minister whose backing was crucial to reassuring ethnic Malays that it was safe to abandon the ruling party.
Pakatan was also supported by a network of civil society organisations which had been campaigning for years against corruption and abuses of power.
Right up to polling day on 9 May 2018 they could not be sure they would succeed in dislodging Barisan. But there was a tangible sense of excitement, of possibilities.
Mr Mahathir had campaigned wittily on the theme of then-prime minister Najib Razak and his wife Rosmah as a pair of thieves.
The rising cost of living, and in particular an unpopular sales tax, played into the hands of the opposition. And the Malay vote, normally reliably pro-government, was split three ways, between Pakatan, Barisan and the Islamic party PAS.
When I encountered people at polling stations showing me their Umno veterans' cards, but telling me they were voting for the opposition, it seemed momentum was moving that way.
There was jubilation when Mr Najib conceded the next day. He was the first prime minister from his party to lose an election.
Video captionMalaysian voters react in 2018 to Mahathir Mohamad's victory
So what went wrong for the Pakatan government?
It was always going to be an uneasy coalition. Mr Mahathir and Anwar Ibrahim had a tortuous history going back 30 years.
Mr Anwar, at one time Mr Mahathir's protégé and designated successor, blames him for his first five-year term in prison.
The two men eventually reconciled and agreed that Mahathir Mohamad, who led the election campaign, would be prime minister if they won, but hand over to Anwar Ibrahim after two years. But exactly how and when that would happen was left unsaid.
There were other personality clashes, and differences over how the coalition would deal with an increasingly harsh economic climate.
"We have the same problem of dissatisfaction as we see in many countries," says Ibrahim Suffian, from the Merdeka Centre for Opinion Research.
"We have economic growth, but wages have not caught up with the cost of living, particularly among the Malay population, particularly among the young.
"The economy is not generating enough jobs that pay well. That was the challenge the coalition faced, because when they entered government they found that most of the cupboards were bare, and that they had enormous debts that they had to deal with."
Image caption Mr Anwar and Mr Mahathir's relationship goes back decades
Malaysia has been defined by ethnic politics since independence in 1957, and the creation of a Malaysian federation in 1963.
Ethnic Malays make up just over half the population; so called "bumiputera", which include other indigenous groups on the Malay peninsular and on Borneo, make up about 68%.
The largest and most successful minority are the Chinese, who migrated to Malaysia during British colonial rule.
Race riots in 1969 persuaded the government that policies favouring bumiputera, and in particular Malays, were essential.
Umno defined itself as the party that looked after the Malays, who tended to be economically less successful than the Chinese. Mahathir Mohamad's 22-year rule in the 1980s and 90s was marked by generous pro-Malay projects, funded by impressive export-led growth.
The downside was rising cronyism and corruption. But Malays still expect government largesse.
It was partly the fear that the Pakatan government, with a large Chinese component, would cut back on that generosity, that has eroded its support among Malays.
Image caption Many Malays feared the new government would not be as generous towards them
A quick trip to a low-income neighbourhood in Gombak, just outside Kuala Lumpur, illustrated this disenchantment.
Here the futuristic highways and high-rises around the city centre give way to drab concrete apartment blocks and rows of small workshops and car-repair garages.
Mohammad Amin, who is building a small café, told me he and his neighbours felt ethnic Malays were not being taken care of as well as in the past.
Muhammad Tarmizi described poorer people in the area as being unable to meet the cost of their most basic daily needs. This government is not looking out for kampung - village - folk, for the Malays, he said.
Although Umno's reputation was badly damaged by the revelations about huge sums of money that went missing in the 1MDB financial scandal, some of it ending up in Mr Najib's personal bank account, the party has been quick to exploit public disappointment over the state of the economy.
Image caption Mr Najib has been accused of embezzling state funds
So it's little surprise that Pakatan has now lost five out of the last six by-elections. In one contest, in the strategic state of Johor, PH saw its vote drop by more than half.
The crisis broke over the succession. Anwar Ibrahim and his supporters pressed Mr Mahathir for a date, suggesting the two-year anniversary of the election in May. The prime minister refused to be drawn.
Mr Anwar's camp backed off, leaving the decision with Dr Mahathir. But the growing tension within the coalition persuaded Mr Muhyiddin to break away and team up with the other side.
As with every previous crisis in the past 40 years there was an overriding assumption - inside and outside Malaysia - that whatever happened, Mahathir Mohamad, the master manipulator, was pulling the strings, exploiting every twist in a bewilderingly fast-moving drama to ensure he came out on top.
Image copyright Getty ImagesImage captionThe main characters: Mahathir Mohamad (R), politician Anwar Ibrahim (C) and Muhyiddin Yassin (L)
When he stunned the country by tendering his resignation, many of the political factions rushed out to express their support for him to stay in the job.
Even Mr Anwar assured his supporters that, contrary to rumour, Mr Mahathir had not been behind what he was calling a coup against the coalition.
But by the end of the week it was clear that the 94 year-old maestro had miscalculated.
Malaysia's constitutional monarch, King Abdullah, whose role it is to invite a candidate to form a new government, declared that Mr Muhyiddin had the numbers, and would be sworn in as the country's eighth prime minister.
Mr Mahathir has challenged this and could try to bring the new government down once parliament meets again. But incumbency, and the blessing of a revered monarch, are powerful assets for Mr Muhyiddin, which will certainly attract waverers to his side.
"The King cannot make political decisions," says Mustafa Izzuddin at the National University of Singapore.
"But he can play the role of honest broker, bringing the warring sides together. Even then it is unprecedented for a king to do so in Malaysia.
"But Malaysian politics are in uncharted waters, so revolutionary methods may have been necessary. And the King may have seen Muhyiddin as the most trustworthy and steady of the candidates."
Image copyright Getty ImagesImage captionThe King of Pahang has played the role of an 'honest broker'
It is worth recalling too that Mr Mahathir has a history of conflict with Malaysia's sultans, something that may have been a factor in the King's choice.
Back in 1983 and 1993 he pressed for constitutional changes that imposed limits on royal power.
"In the earlier crisis the role of leading royal resistance to Mahathir was played by the then-Sultan of Pahang, the current king's father," says Clive Kessler at the University of New South Wales.
"Memories and resentments linger on and are not easily forgotten or set aside."
So after less than two years in opposition, Umno is back in power. There are understandable fears that the investigations and trials of Mr Najib, who is still a significant and visible party figure, will be shelved.
Mr Anwar, the man who believed he was destined to be prime minister back in the 1990s, and believed he was promised the job this year, has once again been thwarted.
His repeated career setbacks, over more than two decades, might have come from the plot of one of the Shakespeare tragedies that he read to pass the time while he was serving his two terms in prison.
Image copyright Getty Images
And Mr Mahathir, one of the most remarkable political survivors of modern times, appears to have run out of road.
As he absorbed the shock of finding himself outmanoeuvred, his wife of 63 years Siti Hasmah put her arms around his waist, in a fierce, protective hug, perhaps hoping that now, a little before his 95th birthday, he might finally retire.

 

[ginfreely]

@Valium @sweetiepie. @Bad New Brown xia suay nameless coward criminal liar bully filthy dog snake son of dirty smelly filthy public toilet whores dare not take up my virginity test challenge open ccb mouth to insult me slut whore mistress.

Subservient Cantonese dogs @Valium @sweetiepie dare not 撒野in other people’s proper threads but come to my threads to 撒野. Dare not reply my insults to you in other people’s proper threads but open your evil filthy Cantonese snake mouth big big in my threads and all those filthy slut whore mistress threads. Pui your filthy Cantonese dog whore mother wife daughters phua cb!

@Bad New Brown xia suay filthy Malaysian Indian dog son of whore telling lies to smear me and my mother old hen non stop. He is proud to “of course I only support my own people kt Latha”. Pui your filthy Indian slut whore mother wife daughters phua cb!

 

[Hypocrite-The]

Malaysia takes a turn to the right, and many of its people are worried
AAP/EPA/Nazri RapaaiJames Chin, University of Tasmania
March 5, 2020 6.12am AEDT
Muhyiddin Yassin has been sworn in as the new prime minister of Malaysia. Many people were surprised because 94-year-old Mahathir Mohammad, the oldest prime minister in the world, was widely expected to be reappointed for a third time.
Muhyiddin outfoxed the wily Mahathir, because Mahathir made two fatal errors. First, he had resigned, thus creating a vacancy. Second, he made a miscalculation about the king’s discretion. The Malaysian king appoints a person he thinks can command the majority in parliament – it has nothing to do with election results or how many MPs support you. In Australia, it’s called the “captain’s pick”.
The king picked Muhyiddin over Mahathir, and that’s that. The only way now to remove the new government is via a vote of no-confidence in parliament, which will take months.
The new ruling coalition
Muhyiddin’s new ruling coalition consists of three parties: United Malays National Organisation (UMNO), Parti Islam Malaysia (PAS) and Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (PPBM or United Indigenous Party).
UMNO and PAS were the defeated parties in the historic 2018 general elections that produced Malaysia’s first regime change since independence. UMNO had been the ruling party for nearly six decades before losing to PPBM and Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope). Mahathir had established PPBM specifically to beat UMNO, and almost the entire PPBM leadership was ex-UMNO.
So now we have an interesting combination. UMNO and PPBM are essentially the same parties with similar ideologies, Malay nationalism, combined with PAS, which wants to turn Malaysia into an Islamic state.
But what about the non-Malay and non-Muslim Malaysians who make up 38% of the population? Don’t they count?
The short answer is no. While the new administration will appoint a few non-Malays to the administration, make no mistake, this is an all-Malay government and its focus is on the Malay and Muslim community.
UMNO is still sore at the Malaysian Chinese and Indian population for voting en bloc against UMNO in 2018, which led it to lose government. Now it’s payback time. Expect more Malay-centric policies that will punish the Chinese and Indians.
Why are people worried?
Many are worried about the direction Malaysia may be heading in the short term.
First, there is concern that corruption trials relating to the infamous 1MDB scandal involving ex-prime minister Najib Razak may now go nowhere. Najib’s wife is also charged with corruption in a different case, along with several other ministers in the last UMNO-led government.
In fact, the UMNO president, Zahid Hamidi, who is facing 47 charges of money-laundering (the legal term for corrupt money), is trying to get a cabinet post in the new Muhyiddin administration. The attorney-general has resigned and his replacement will probably not go after high-profile UMNO individuals now that UMNO is back in government.
High-level corruption was one of the main reasons UMNO was defeated in 2018 and UMNO has not reformed. Now it’s back in government, most people expect “business as usual”. There is credible fear that Muhyiddin cannot stand up to UMNO as UMNO is now the largest party among the three core parties. UMNO and PAS also have a political pact, which means PPBM will definitely not be able to stop the senior coalition partner if it insists on certain public policy.
Second, people are extremely worried about PAS. Since its founding in 1951, PAS has advocated the idea of turning Malaysia into an Islamic state. It has introduced huhud (Shariah) law at the state level in Kelantan and Terengganu, but cannot enforce the law because it conflicts with Malaysia’s federal constitution.
Now that PAS is one of the troika in power, will PAS push the new administration to amend the constitution? There is already talk that PAS will get the government to amend the Syariah Courts (Criminal Jurisdiction) Act, or RUU355. This will indirectly allow for hudud to be implemented.
Third, and perhaps most worrying, the new government has broken the political convention that it always has a significant number of non-Malay voices to represent the diverse population. This government was built purely on the concept of ketuanan Melayu Islam (Malay Islamic supremacy). Non-Malays to be appointed to the new administration will know exactly where they stand – as window dressing.
Where to now for Malaysia?
Despite its racial and religious tensions, Malaysia has always been seen by the international community as a modern, moderate Islamic country with strong Westminster institutions. It was always understood that the political elite would choose the middle path at the end of the day, no matter how heated the politics became.
This may no longer be the case.
If there is a lesson to be learnt here, it is that regime change does not guarantee progress. In May 2018, there was joy that Malaysia had finally joined the club of newly democratising countries via the ballot box. Almost two years down the road we are seeing a complete reversal via an elite game.
If there is one thing about Southeast Asia, it is that the votes of the ordinary people do not matter when it comes to power games. Power here is a zero-sum game and, in this case, the non-Malays and non-Muslims in Malaysia are the losers.

 

[ginfreely]

Xia suay Malaysians like @Valium kt latha @glockman are filthy product of sluts and prostitutes.

 

[Hypocrite-The]

The return if the corrupted in office. Mudland deserve the gahmen it vote for
A minority in Perikatan, analysts see Muhyiddin govt at Umno’s mercy | Malay Mail

Analysts believe Muhyiddin is likely to ride on the popular backing of a large segment of the Malay electorate, particularly from lower-income and rural voters. — Bernama pic
KUALA LUMPUR, March 6 — Political pundits have expressed doubt that Prime Minister Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin could lead a genuinely multi-cultural government as the head of a minority party in an ultra-Malay coalition.
Analysts believe Muhyiddin could be forced to make concessions to appease its more dominant ally Umno, which has drifted farther to the right in recent years, either through a larger share in the yet-to-be formed Cabinet lineup, posts in government-linked firms or federal contracts.
“Muhyiddin will of course not be able to run his government like how Umno used to dominate in Barisan Nasional,” Oh Ei Sun, senior fellow with Singapore’s Institute of International Affairs, told Malay Mail.
Umno had formed a political pact with PAS prior to the current political realignment that saw Muhyiddin’s Parti Bersatu Pribumi Malaysia pull out of Pakatan Harapan and shortened its rule prematurely.
Between them the two parties share 52 federal seats, a dozen more than Bersatu’s 30 seats.
And despite being its acting chairman and president, Muhyiddin remains liable to internal strife with the faction aligned to the influential Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad having openly disapproved of the former’s leadership. Dr Mahathir resigned as party chairman purportedly to protest Muhyiddin’s pact with Umno.
“I think he would indeed have to accommodate the demands of, for example Umno and PAS. But what is Umno? Umno is a party saddled with a lot of characters, a lot of scandals, and cases and prosecutions,” Oh said.
“So from the Umno side, there will be a lot of demands from the various projects and so on. Even [the projects], people are already getting used to it, because after all we were ruled by Umno for more than 60 years.”
Bersatu, Umno and PAS are now part of a loose coalition of Malay parties called Perikatan Nasional (PN), whose rise to power was aided by the support of 18 former BN MPs from Sarawak, now in a separate bloc called the Coalition of Sarawakian Parties (GPS).
Umno, a party whose founding members were originally moderate nationalists, has turned more right-wing since support for the party began to wane in the past two decades.
Acid test
Detractors claimed the party has become increasingly ethno-centric over the years by exploiting Malay suspicion of other races to garner support.
On the first day in office, Muhyiddin addressed on live television a nation beset by partisan division vowing to become a prime minister for all.
The pledge was met with widespread criticism, although some analysts feel the Bersatu chief could overcome that by ensuring those picked for his Cabinet are effective, corruption-free and done on merits.
“By appointing ministers that are capable of running their ministries effectively is one way of proving his government is for all,” said Azmi Hassan, geostrategist with Universiti Teknologi Malaysia.
“No more appointments according to party hierarchy as always being done here before this.”
But with no sides having a clear majority, loyalty can be indefinitely tested. For Muhyiddin, this means liability to pressure from any side wanting concessions as his allies could threaten to pull support anytime their demands are not met.
“Of course, considering Bersatu is not the dominant party in his government, this will be an uphill task,” Azmi said.
“But the beauty of this predicament is that if Muhyiddin can elect ministers not according to party standing, then his government will gain the trust of the people that his government is for all.”
To date, Muhyiddin has yet to announce his Cabinet although Umno secretary-general Tan Sri Annuar Musa hinted on Tuesday that negotiations are already underway.
However, in a series of tweets this week, Annuar has made several suggestions on how he, or Umno, think the PN government should be like, such as making Bumiputera rights a top agenda just as past BN administrations did, an assertion that is likely reinforce scepticism about Muhyiddin’s multiculturalist message.
Annuar has also cautioned Muhyiddin against any witch-hunt, in addition to warning against focusing on a prime minister’s “personal idealism” in coalition politics.
Azmi believes the outcome of the bargaining would be the first acid test for Muhyiddin’s leadership, as voters are expected to watch closely how the seasoned politician handles the demands of its more dominant PN ally, Umno.
“The appointment of Cabinet ministers, for example, will demonstrate Tan Sri Muhyiddin’s acumen in handling Umno politicians since it will not be an easy task,” he said.
“I am hoping that when dealing with Umno in relation to ministers’ appointment, seniority or party position will not play a major factor and this goes to other parties as well in Perikatan.”
Muhyiddin, an experienced politician with over four decades of experience in the government, including as deputy prime minister, took office amid one of the country’s worst political crises, and the legitimacy of his appointment is still in doubt.
As premier, he has delayed the first Dewan Rakyat sitting this year for more than two months to May 18, a move detractors claim reaffirm allegations that he was appointed on the back of minority support.
But analysts believe Muhyiddin is likely to ride on the popular backing of a large segment of the Malay electorate, particularly from lower-income and rural voters, to bolster his standing and paint any challenge to his leadership as an attempt to upend a Malay government.
“Bersatu dan Umno are like identical twins in many ways,” said Kartini Aboo Talib, deputy director of Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia’s Ethnic Studies.
“The Malays have no problem accepting both. It never hurts to have more or the more the merrier as long as they are united.”

 

[Hypocrite-The]

Malaysia's crackdown on protesters condemned after elected government dumped
Posted 11 hours ago, updated10 hours ago
Demonstrators hold placards during a protest against Malaysia's newly sworn in prime minister.
Malaysia's new prime minister Muhyuddin Yassin is depicted by a protester as a clown.(AP: Vincent Thian)
Malaysia's Government is facing international criticism over its arrest of pro-democracy activists in the wake of political turmoil which saw the prime minister resign.

Key points:
94-year-old Mahathir Mohamad resigned last week after chaos within his coalition
Malaysia's colonial era Sedition Act has once again been mobilised against dissenting voices
International observers are expressing disappointment with apparent democratic regression
About 20 people were arrested and questioned by police after holding protests in Kuala Lumpur last week, including prominent lawyer Fadiah Nadwa Fikri, and they face charges under the country's Communication and Multimedia Act, Peaceful Assembly Act and the British colonial-era Sedition Act.

Ms Fadiah is being investigated for tweeting "Turun ke Jalan, Demokrasi Mati" (Go to the streets, democracy is dead), urging Malaysians to protest after a week of backroom politicking that culminated in the resignation of prime minister Mahathir Mohamad.

"It's a coup, and it's a betrayal of the people's mandate," she told the ABC.

"The fact that the racists, the kleptocrats, the corrupt are back in the game, makes people angry, disappointed, frustrated. That's why they feel the need to take to the streets."

Muhyiddin Yassin's elevation has sidelined old rival Mahathir Mohamad, right.(AP: Vincent Thian)
The Pact of Hope falls
Dr Mahathir's Pakatan Harapan (the Pact of Hope) coalition was elected in May 2018, in an historic victory that unseated the Barisan Nasional coalition which had dominated Malaysian politics since the nation was founded.

It was elected on a progressive policy platform, which promised to address Malaysia's longstanding racial politics and roll back use of the Peaceful Assembly and Sedition Acts to prosecute government critics.

Critics argue Mr Muhyiddin, who is linked to the former government of disgraced prime minister Najib Razak, does not have a democratic mandate, and that the ascension of the conservative Malay nationalist and his backers represents a virtual return to Barisan Nasional.

Many fear the new government will see the judiciary acquit Mr Najib, who faces charges over his alleged role in the theft of $US4.5 billion ($6.3 billion) from Malaysia's sovereign wealth fund 1MDB.

Many of Malaysia's ethnic minority groups had been enthusiastic supporters of Pakatan Harapan.(Reuters: Lim Huey Teng)
"The dishonourable conduct of many elected MPs, switching allegiance back and forth has undermined people's trust in our democracy," said Thomas Fann, founder and chairman of Bersih — a coalition of pro-democracy non-government organisations.

"As far as we are concerned, Muhyiddin does not have the mandate of the people, therefore no legitimacy," he said.

Upon taking power, Mr Muhyuddin assured voters that he was "Malay first" — a declaration of his allegiance to the country's largest ethnic group, which is Muslim-majority and dominates politics and the bureaucracy.

Ethnic Chinese and Indian populations have long suffered under discriminatory policies and overwhelmingly supported Pakatan Harapan.

"They know by using race and religion in Malaysia, that will help them to be in power and continue to be in power," said Ms Fadiah, who works for the Centre to Combat Corruption and Cronyism.

"A lot of people, marginalised communities, they are feeling that the country is really going in the wrong direction."

A new Malay-majority coalition could further split the nation following the collapse of Dr Mahathir's multiracial reformist alliance.(AP: Vincent Thian)
"It was one of our success stories a couple of years ago," said Sarah Repucci of the US democracy watchdog Freedom House.

But now, it is once again coming in for international criticism over anti-democratic measures such as arresting government critics.

"These investigations have the effect of harassing and intimidating human rights defenders and pro-democracy activists and look worryingly like a new crackdown on dissent," said Frederick Rawski, Asia director at the International Commission of Jurists (ICJ).

Teddy Baguilat, a former Filipino MP and board member of ASEAN Parliamentarians for Human Rights, said the arrests signalled "a return to the tactics used by the regime that the people voted out of power".

"On top of ignoring the will of the people by installing a government that wasn't democratically elected, now authorities are shutting down critical voices by intimidating those who have peacefully protested," he said.

After being threatened by opponents with a vote of no confidence, Mr Muhyiddin delayed parliament's sitting by two months.

Ethnic Malays, who are overwhelmingly Muslim, dominate Malaysian politics.(AP: Yam G-Jun)
In a televised address earlier this week, Mr Muhyiddin said he would give his "heart and soul" for the Malaysian people.

"Whether you are Malay, Chinese, Indian … whichever ethnic group, I am prime minister for all," he said. But many question whether this will be the case.

"In India, we see religion as a vehicle to inflict violence against minorities … the same thing is happening here," Ms Fadiah said.

 

[Hypocrite-The]

Anwar Ibrahim — what now for the perennial groomsman of Malaysia politics? | Malay Mail

Anwar Ibrahim in Port Dickson after winning a by-election in October 2018. The collapse of the Pakatan Harapan government and the twists and turns that followed ended with Anwar being left out in the cold, again. — TODAY pic
PERMATANG PAUH, March 7 — As fresh political turmoil convulsed Malaysia last month, Nurul Nuha Anwar, 36, settled down to dinner with her family in Kuala Lumpur.
Her father, erstwhile prime minister-in-waiting Datuk Anwar Ibrahim, 72, had become a political casualty yet again.
The collapse of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) government and the twists and turns that followed — with lawmakers toing and froing between various camps — ended with Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin, the dark horse in the race, becoming prime minister and Anwar being left out in the cold, again.
Recounting the family get-together in the thick of the frenzy, Nurul Nuha told TODAY on the phone from Kuala Lumpur this week: “Obviously, we were all very upset. But he (Anwar) and my mum were just so zen. I cannot imagine what they were going through, but they were so serene as well as very calm.”
The political crisis began last month with the collapse of PH, a coalition of four parties led by Anwar and his mentor-turned-nemesis-turned-uneasy ally, Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, the incumbent prime minister then. This came after Dr Mahathir’s Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) pulled out of the coalition, which had defied predictions to win the 2018 general election amid widespread anger at the scandal-ridden government led by former premier Datuk Seri Najib Razak.
Amid the turmoil, the 94-year-old Dr Mahathir, who was supposed to hand over the reins to Anwar in the second half of PH’s five-year term, shocked the nation by announcing his resignation on Feb 24.
Meanwhile, Anwar’s Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) — the largest party in PH — lost 11 lawmakers who quit en masse.
The breakaway bloc, led by former economic affairs minister Azmin Ali, who was once seen as Anwar’s protege before their relationship broke down, joined hands with the new governing coalition Perikatan Nasional.
The Perikatan Nasional coalition includes Bersatu, whose president is Muhyiddin, and parties defeated in the 2018 polls. Among them is the United Malays National Organisation (Umno), the linchpin party of the Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition — which Najib formerly led — that had ruled Malaysia for 61 years.
Nurul Nuha, a social entrepreneur, referring to what Anwar’s camp viewed as betrayal by some PKR members, said: “It is painful to see what has been committed.”
“I said: ‘Papa, what’s your plan? There is so much collateral damage. What’s going to happen?’”
“He said: ‘Well, we work and follow the rules, we follow the principles, we have ethics.’ He doesn’t want to fall back on and especially garner other means of having a government.”
Nik Nazmi Nik Ahmad, a PKR Member of Parliament (MP) who represents Setiawangsa in Kuala Lumpur, disclosed this week that Anwar had refused an offer to become prime minister on the condition that he accept Umno leaders facing graft charges.
Anwar, who has been pushing for multiracial politics and anti-corruption reforms, later confirmed that there was such an offer.
The one-time fast-rising star of Malaysian politics is no stranger to adversity, having served almost a decade behind bars after being convicted of corruption and sodomy, charges that he denied.
Anwar’s wife, Datuk Seri Dr Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, 67, said her husband had weathered worse events than the latest setback.
“I am sure he will emerge stronger after this,” the former deputy prime minister in the PH government said in a typewritten response to TODAY.
“I am sure that justice will prevail. This way also, the party is cleansed of unwanted elements.”
The political upheaval, Dr Wan Azizah said, was a “betrayal of epic proportions” for Malaysians.
“After sacrificing greatly in the 2018 elections, the people put their faith in leaders whom they felt would fulfil certain fundamental promises.
“Some of these leaders decided it was politically expedient to break those promises,” she said, without naming them.
Anwar’s family members are not the only ones upset with the turbulence that has shaken Malaysia’s political core.
Several Malaysians in Permatang Pauh — Anwar’s former stronghold in the north-western state of Penang — said they were dismayed by the collapse of the government they had voted in and the disarray that ensued.
“I’m very disappointed. At this point, I don’t know who to trust anymore,” said retired fisherman Mohd Shariff Yahya, 68, a former Anwar supporter who had attended his political rallies.
“We are still being fooled First, they (the local PKR politicians) said Anwar will become the prime minister. Now, they come back from Putrajaya (Malaysia’s administrative capital) and say Anwar will not be the prime minister.”
Lim Khoon Heng, 67, a resident of the neighbouring Bukit Mertajam town in Penang, where Anwar was born, said: “I am a bit disappointed. Anwar is not fated to be prime minister.”
Still, Anwar has his detractors among working-class Malaysians.
Mohd Nazari, 49, a worker in a factory making electronic products, used to like Anwar’s outspoken nature when he was education minister from 1986 to 1991.
“But now, he is not okay. He makes all sorts of promises, but does very little,” he said.
A roller-coaster political journey
Anwar made his foray into the political arena in 1971, when he founded the Muslim Youth Movement of Malaysia, which he led as president until 1982.
A charismatic Islamic student leader and fiery orator, Anwar was, in his own words, “very Malay and Islam-oriented” in his youth — a position he later recalibrated as he embraced a brand of multiracial politics more attuned to the needs of marginalised Malaysians of all races.
Despite being a critic of the BN government and Umno, Anwar joined the latter in 1982 at the invitation of Dr Mahathir, who was then serving his first stint as prime minister.
Anwar rose quickly through the ranks. When he was education minister, he played a key role in the Islamisation of Malaysia’s education system.
Named deputy prime minister in 1993, he was widely regarded as Dr Mahathir’s successor. But the two men had a bitter falling out over political and policy differences, including how to respond to the Asian financial crisis, and Anwar was fired in 1998.
That year, he started the Reformasi movement, which mobilised protests calling for Dr Mahathir’s resignation and broad-based social reforms, from accountability to the eradication of corruption and cronyism.
But Anwar would soon find himself in and out of prison, where he ended up with a black eye after being beaten by the police chief in his cell shortly after his first arrest.
In 1999, he was jailed for corruption and later sodomy, charges Anwar said were politically motivated.
He was released in 2004 after a court overturned his sodomy conviction.
In 2008, a three-party opposition coalition called Pakatan Rakyat, which he led, deprived BN of its long-held two-thirds majority in parliament. Later that year, Anwar was re-elected in a by-election to his Permatang Pauh seat, which had been held by Dr Wan Azizah since 1999.
Dr Afif Bahardin, 34, a state assemblyman for Seberang Jaya in Permatang Pauh constituency, said Anwar had improved access to education for the youth of Permatang Pauh by bringing in educational institutions Universiti Teknologi Mara and Politeknik Seberang Perai.
He had also made improvements to healthcare and road infrastructure, said Dr Afif.
But not all constituents were impressed.
Mohd Nazari, the factory worker, bemoaned the traffic gridlock that frequently dogged the road facing the university.
“It would have been great if the road had also been upgraded when the university was built,” he said.
In 2015, Anwar was back in jail, convicted of fresh sodomy charges, after an appeals court overturned an earlier acquittal.
He was released in May 2018 after receiving a pardon from Malaysia’s King. Dr Mahathir, who returned to power as prime minister and head of the PH coalition government, had struck a pact with Anwar to hand over power in two years.
Nurul Izzah Anwar, Anwar’s eldest child, is now the MP for Permatang Pauh, while Anwar clinched the Port Dickson seat in Negeri Sembilan state in a by-election in October 2018, setting him on a path to the prime ministership.
But just as it appeared to be finally within his grasp, the PH coalition’s demise has shrouded his political future in uncertainty once more.
Anwar and Nurul Izzah did not respond to TODAY’s requests for comment.
What keeps him going
With his imprisonment hardening his resolve, Anwar’s optimism and fighting spirit have seen him through a myriad of trials and tribulations, based on TODAY’s interviews with four of his family members and half a dozen colleagues.
They said that this commitment to his political vision would see him through the latest setback.
Nurul Nuha cited her father’s resilience, patience and unwavering commitment to his cause in the face of challenges: “You don’t go through prison for a decade of your life on false charges to not see the things that you want to push for bearing fruit It’s very difficult to beat him down.”
Agreeing, Anwar’s cousin Zulkiefly Saad, 63, described the politician as a fighter. “If you look at his history since he started his involvement in politics he’s a fighter. He struggled very hard.”
Religion has played a part, too. Dr Wan Azizah said Anwar is a man of faith who believes that these tribulations are “part and parcel of the struggle all Malaysians have faced, to a greater or lesser degree, in the pursuit of justice”.
Fahmi Fadzil, PKR’s MP for Lembah Pantai in Kuala Lumpur, said Anwar remained upbeat and confident on March 1, when Muhyiddin was sworn in as prime minister, even though many of his colleagues were “morose, feeling down, depressed, tired, beaten”.
“It was as though he was not affected by this. He reminded us that we have to stand by our principles and the people will judge us in the (next) general election,” said Fahmi, 39, who is also PKR’s communications director.
Rejecting suggestions that Anwar’s eagerness to assume the top job had contributed to the political upheaval, Fahmi said: “To me, it was not so much about wanting power, or that he was impatient or he was conniving or manoeuvring. I didn’t see any of that.”
Yusmadi Yusoff, 45, a senator in the upper house of parliament who represents Penang, was part of a legal team that advised Anwar in prison.
He described the man as someone who is positive and determined to achieve what he believes in, despite the challenges.
Yusmadi said: “In the words of one officer in prison, they have never seen someone who has such positive thinking even in prison I saw it again even immediately after the recent political fiasco.”
His Achilles heel
Despite his calmness and resilience which are evident in crises, Anwar needs to learn from the lessons of the latest political crisis, his colleagues and family said.
Chiefly, he needs to improve his leadership style, they said. While Anwar’s aides described him as an engaging and accommodative leader, he has to better enforce party discipline if he is to get the house in order.
Wong Chen, 51, PKR’s MP for Subang in Selangor state, noted that Anwar has all the leadership qualities such as charisma and conviction.
But he pointed out: “Organisationally, he needs to improve in the sense that he needs to take stronger disciplinary actions. He needs to not just lead the party, but to take decisive disciplinary actions when things go bad before they become worse, to nip problein the bud.”
He added: “In this case, the group of defectors caused so much suffering for everybody. Anwar should have been much more decisive. It is highly unusual to allow a disciplinary problem to fester for years, allowing these defectors to grow their power base by virtue of the ministerial positions they held, and finally resulting in this catastrophic political crisis.”
Fahmi felt that people took advantage of Anwar because he was “such a conciliatory and forgiving leader”.
“His style is such that he is very cautious about being hard on people,” he said. “He tries to make people see the middle ground and focus our efforts on the work at hand, rather than constantly dealing with what many people outside would consider petty party politics.”
Fahmi noted that Anwar had always urged party members to focus on “more important matters”, such as the economy, as well as structural and institutional reform needed in Malaysia.
He said: “As a result, sometimes people feel that he is not as strong a leader as they hoped he would be, particularly in terms of administration of the party.”
Latipah Md Nor, 62, a distant cousin of Anwar’s, said his weakness was that he trusted people too easily.
“He believes people even when they are lying to him He thinks people are good like he is,” said the masseuse.
Nurul Nuha said her father had always believed in allowing discourse and respecting those with different views in the party. “That’s very important, but what he will not tolerate are deceit and betrayal.”
Latipah Md Nor, 62, a distant cousin of Anwar’s, said his weakness was that he trusted people too easily. Photo: Raj Nadarajan/TODAY
What’s next for Anwar?
In spite of the latest knock-back, Anwar’s colleagues are sanguine about his prospects of bouncing back and becoming prime minister eventually.
They pointed to a possible window of opportunity on May 18, when parliament sits next. PH has said that it intends to seek a no-confidence vote against Muhyiddin.
The next general election, which must be held by 2023, is another opening — one that could offer Anwar the last shot at the prime ministership, said analysts.
His immediate family members, though, were more circumspect when asked about his chances of leading Malaysia.
Nurul Nuha said: “Whether he is prime minister or not, he will always stay true to the people. He will always (stick to) his agenda of representing the voices of Malaysia, and bridging racial and religious divides in the hope of a more just, equitable and multicultural Malaysia.”
Dr Wan Azizah echoed her daughter’s view: “We must concentrate on representing the people, and focusing on their dreams and aspirations.”
Zainal Abidin Saad, 63, who was Anwar’s personal assistant when he was Permatang Pauh MP, recalled: “Anwar said himself that it doesn’t matter whether he gets (the prime ministership). The important thing is to help people.”
Professor James Chin, director of the Asia Institute Tasmania in Australia, said Anwar would have another shot at the prime ministership in 2023, when he would be 76.
“After that, he will be regarded as too old,” Prof Chin said, because a new generation of leaders, Nurul Izzah included, would by then be at the fore.
Even so, things are not cast in stone. Prof Chin noted that Dr Mahathir had made a political comeback in 2018 at age 92. “But then, Mahathir is a unique individual,” he said.
Dr Francis Hutchinson of research centre Iseas-Yusof Ishak Institute believed that Anwar still has a chance of becoming prime minister, even though the prospect seems increasingly unlikely for now.
“At this point, he is several moves away from becoming PM,” said Dr Hutchinson, a senior fellow and coordinator of the Malaysia studies programme at the institute.
“He is dependent on Mahathir retaining control over the Pakatan Harapan bloc, then PH passing and winning a motion of no confidence, and then being invited to form a parliamentary majority, instead of going to elections.
“Once back in power, Mahathir then has to agree to hand over to him.”
Dr Cassey Lee, a colleague of Dr Hutchinson’s, said that if the Perikatan Nasional coalition led by Muhyiddin retains control until the next election, Anwar would come to power only if PH wins. “This will be difficult if Perikatan Nasional remains intact in (the next) general election,” he said.
Ariel Tan, from the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies at the Nanyang Technological University in Singapore, said Anwar would appear to have a harder time forming a majority government in the next few months than Muhyiddin.
Tan, the school’s deputy head of policy studies and the coordinator of its Malaysia programme, said: “If Muhyiddin can keep his party and allies with him in Perikatan Nasional going into the next election, and win over those currently aligned with Dr Mahathir Mohamad, he would have a greater chance of forming the next government.
“But, of course, Malaysian politics is very uncertain and replete with shifting alliances, so no one can say for sure.”
Can he succeed?
While the multiracial and anti-corruption positions are central to PH and Anwar’s agendas, his colleagues and observers acknowledged that they could be both a strength and weakness, as many voters — particularly in the Malay heartlands — do not subscribe to the vision of a multicultural Malaysia.
Dr Hutchinson said racial politics is so pronounced at present for two reasons.
First, largely rural, Malay-majority constituencies are made really powerful because of malapportionment. These seats are geographically large but contain a relatively small number of people, he said.
They are thus disproportionately powerful and politicians need to appeal to these constituencies to remain electorally viable.
Second, after BN’s defeat in the 2018 election, Umno shifted the public debate away from economic growth to focus exclusively on Malay rights, putting the more multiracial PH on the back foot, said Dr Hutchinson.
“Thus, the bar for judging Pakatan Harapan became about what they were doing for or against Malay voters, rather than the country as a whole. The leaders of Pakatan Harapan will need to deal with this,” he said.
Nik Nazmi, the Setiawangsa MP, said effective communication, especially to the Malay ground, was an area in which the PH government had failed.
“Umno and PAS (Parti Islam Se-Malaysia) were very successful (on this front)... That’s where we need to learn our lesson Malays are still (in the) majority, and the majority of Malaysians, including most of the Christians in the country, who are in Sabah and Sarawak, communicate in Malay,” he said.
“Sometimes, people in Kuala Lumpur live in a bubble and they assume that those things will get out, but if the story is not told, the narrative is not set out, then there’s a vacuum, which leaves room for the opposition to set the narrative.”
Wong Chen, the MP for Subang, said the multiracial vision underpinning PKR makes it harder for the party to convince the Malay electorate, but at the same time, the party had had 50 MPs until recently, making it the largest party in parliament after the 2018 election.
“So this multiracial vision is our strength, but we have to work harder to win the hearts of rural Malays,” he said.
Tan of the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies said the multiracial and reform platform has a following among urban Malays and non-Malays.
She said the three remaining parties in Anwar’s coalition — PKR, the Democratic Action Party and Parti Amanah Negara — could develop more support for the platform among present and new voters, since Malaysia has lowered its voting age to 18 from 21.
“But this will take time and resources to engage voters,” she said.
Prof Chin agreed that younger people in urban areas generally buy into PKR’s argument of moving away from racial politics. The rural and older folk, however, are much more conservative, he said.
Anwar is thus in a “very difficult position” because if he tilts his position towards the Malays, he will lose support among the non-Malays, said Prof Chin. “It is a zero-sum game Based on world experience, (the Malays) must realise that if you want to build up your country and want your country to be successful, this has to be the most logical way to move forward.”
Dr Hutchinson said Anwar’s multiracial vision is politically viable and attainable, and he needs to therefore “turn his attention inwards to understand what led such a large faction of people to leave the party, and to increase order within PKR”.
As for tackling corruption, Nik Nazmi said that while PH has made considerable strides to improve governance processes, these have to be linked to economic reforms, to gain the support of the man in the street.
For example, for economic reforms to work, corruption has to be stamped out. “You need to make that link because if you put it purely on governance alone, it might not be that attractive for the public.”
Adib Zalkapli, a Malaysia-based director of political risk consultancy BowerGroupAsia, said Anwar must unite his party and rebuild the coalition to face a rejuvenated Umno machinery in government.
Dr Afif, the state assemblyman, said Anwar’s time would come, provided PKR is strong and united. “Until we achieve that, I don’t think we can say it’s easy for him to be prime minister.”
To the ordinary Malaysian, there is a growing sense of weariness about politics as governments can rise and fall in a flash, as the recent political tumult has shown.
Mohd Nazari, the constituent in Permatang Pauh, said: “I think people don’t care much about the PM, but whatever (politicians) do must be in the interests of the rakyat (people).” — TODAY

 

[Hypocrite-The]

Betrayal, treachery, ‘unrequited romance’: what next in Malaysian politics?

• Recriminations and charges of ‘traitor’ have been coming thick and fast from the camp of ousted prime minister Mahathir Mohamad
• His replacement Muhyiddin Yassin now faces a rocky road ahead as he seeks to quickly establish his government’s legitimacy amid formidable opposition

Bhavan Jaipragas and Tashny Sukumaran
Published: 8:30am, 7 Mar, 2020


471

Malaysia’s then Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad, right, pictured with his successor Muhyiddin Yassin when the two were allies in 2018. Photo: Reuters

Speaking to
Malaysia
’s32 million people for the first time as prime minister this week,
Muhyiddin Yassin
sought to press home a key message: the mantle of national leadership was thrust upon him, he had not actively set out to oust the country’s grand old man of politics.
The 72-year-old leader stressed that he accepted the royal directive for him to succeed
Mahathir Mohamad
only as a means to end the political storm engulfing the country.
What just happened in Malaysia? A look at how it got its eighth prime minister
1 Mar 2020

“I did not covet the post... I know you are all angry with me. And as I expected, I’ve been called a traitor by certain people,” Muhyiddin said in a televised address on Tuesday, in which he spoke Malay. “I am not a traitor. I am here to save our country from any form of crisis.”


For some insiders, these comments directly addressing the accusations of treachery were the most noteworthy part of the 12-minute speech in which Muhyiddin – until now an under-the-radar political operator – also sought to outline his administrative credentials and promised to be a “prime minister for all Malaysians”.

Malaysia’s new Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin. Photo: AFP
A well-placed source who had a ringside seat to the political turmoil that began late last month said the newly minted leader’s remarks showed the “traitor” label was striking a raw nerve as he contemplates the rocky road ahead for his fledgling Perikatan Nasional (National Alliance) government.

Muhyiddin this week pushed back a parliamentary sitting that had been scheduled for March 9 by more than two months. Mahathir and his allies – who claim they and not Muhyiddin have the backing of the majority of parliament – have vowed to move a vote of no-confidence in the administration when lawmakers convene on May 18. If that happens, a snap election may be called.
Muhyiddin Yassin as Malaysia’s new PM sparks fears of return to ‘Umno politics’
1 Mar 2020

“Muhyiddin could have ignored it [being labelled a traitor] and put the focus on his future plans. He already won the battle. But he knows it may stick, so he must push back,” said the insider, who spoke on condition of anonymity.
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While the new prime minister was expected to be focused in the coming days on appointing ministers and getting on top of the twin crises facing the country – an economy wracked by global trade headwinds and the coronavirus epidemic – he could find himself spending an equal amount of bandwidth fighting off the portrait of betrayal being painted by his opponents, said the person.

Amid the political turmoil, Malaysia is also having to deal with the global coronavirus crisis. Photo: AP
Going by the multiple public accounts of Muhyiddin’s political coup being circulated by Mahathir’s camp, that may be a prescient observation. Alongside Muhyiddin, the former Economic Affairs Minister Azmin Ali and Mahathir’s one-time political secretary Muhammad Zahid Md Arip have emerged as the main Perikatan Nasional personalities being described as traitors.

The potency of the narrative is particularly strong because the person doing most of the accusing is Mahathir himself – upsetting the counter-spin by Muhyiddin’s camp that they had endeavoured to take over the government with the elder statesman’s blessing.
Read more

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Najib Razak expects more conducive atmosphere for 1MDB scandal trial
Read more

Is Najib’s thumbs-up picture a challenge to Malaysia’s fight against corruption?
Read more

What just happened in Malaysia? A look at how it got its eighth prime minister


“I feel betrayed, mostly by Muhyiddin. He has been working on this for a long time and now he has succeeded,” Mahathir said at a press conference last Sunday timed to begin just before Muhyiddin’s swearing-in ceremony.
Power was wrested from Mahathir, his on-off ally
Anwar Ibrahim
, and their Pakatan Harapan alliance – victors of the historic 2018 general election – after Muhyiddin pulled the Bersatu party, which Mahathir founded, out of the four-party ruling bloc on February 24. With his party’s head honchos acting against his wishes, Mahathir resigned as prime minister.

Mahathir Mohamad resigned as Malaysia’s prime minister last month. Photo: Reuters
Influential Pakatan Harapan members, including Muhyiddin, joined forces with a bipartisan caucus of predominantly Malay MPs to remake the administration, omitting the Chinese-centric Democratic Action Party (DAP) and sidelining Anwar, prime minister-in-waiting and standard bearer for the country’s promise of multiracial democracy.

Following days of political wrangling and horse trading, the constitutional monarch, King Sultan Abdullah Sultan Ahmad Shah, appointed Muhyiddin as prime minister after interviewing every MP and concluding the former home minister had the support of parliament.
“Traitor is a damaging label” for Muhyiddin’s government as it sought to quickly establish legitimacy amid formidable opposition led by Mahathir, said Hasan Jafri, founder and managing director of consulting firm HJ Advisory and a long-time observer of Malaysian politics.
“It may not hurt them so much when it comes to policies but it can hurt them in the court of public opinion and in any future elections,” he said.
BLINDSIDED
That logic appears to have been fully grasped by Mahathir and his Pakatan Harapan allies.
Betrayal, treachery and disappointment were key themes in the postmortems offered by the leaders this week of just how they were blindsided by the coup.
Fahmi Fadzil, spokesman for Anwar’s Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR), referred to Perikatan Nasional as “Pengkhianatan Nasional” (National Betrayal) on Twitter. In a video message to party members, Anwar was not as caustic but urged remaining cadres to stick to their principles. “We were given the opportunity to collude with the old groups who had destroyed our country. We chose to stick with our principles. Those who left us have betrayed our struggle,” he said.
Joining Muhyiddin on the political dartboard is Anwar’s estranged ally Azmin, who defected from PKR to Bersatu in the midst of the turmoil. He is widely seen as the main link between the defecting Bersatu party and its two new right-wing allies – the ethno-nationalist Umno and hardline Islamist PAS party.

Malaysia’s former economic affairs minister Azmin Ali, centre, pictured in his constituency last year. Photo: EPA
Umno, or the United Malays National Organisation, was the dominant party in the Barisan Nasional bloc that ruled Malaysia for 61 uninterrupted years until the 2018 elections. A number of its leaders, including the former prime minister Najib Razak, are on trial for corruption.
“In the power grab, Azmin was the bridge to Umno, through his close connections to Hishammuddin Hussein,” said political analyst Bridget Welsh, referring to Najib’s cousin, an Umno grandee who is seen as among the front runners to be given a senior cabinet position by Muhyiddin.
Is Najib’s thumbs-up a challenge to Malaysia’s fight against corruption?
3 Mar 2020

“Azmin’s close alliance to members of Umno – and their goal of getting into power and getting off from charges – fostered distrust within Pakatan Harapan, and his actions in the power grab have provoked strong views of ‘betrayal’,” Welsh said.
Conversations with PKR insiders showed the anger towards the 55-year-old politician was palpable. The consensus view was that he was “bitter” about Anwar being handed the prospect of taking over from Mahathir midway through the current electoral term as part of a pre-election Pakatan Harapan pact.

Anwar Ibrahim was set to replace Mahathir as prime minister under a pre-election pact. Photo: Reuters
Azmin last year angered the PKR when he called for Mahathir to disregard the promise and stay on for the full term.
“Azmin’s unrequited romance with PKR made him bitter since the day Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim made a comeback,” a senior party official told
This Week in Asia
.
Describing the nine loyalists who followed him to Bersatu as “his cartel”, the PKR leader said Azmin had ultimately made his political moves “at the expense of the rakyat (people)”.
Also slighted by Azmin’s actions were the DAP, whose mainly Chinese support he relied upon heavily when he was the chief minister of Selangor state from 2014 to 2018. His chief adviser Khalid Jaafar received a shot across the bows on Friday when he suggested in a tweet that Amanah, a Pakatan Harapan constituent party, had become a boneka (puppet) of the DAP. Hannah Yeoh of the DAP shot back: “Enjoy your new stint as the new Boneka Umno”.

Protesters demonstrate in Kuala Lumpur against the ejection of the democratically elected government. Photo: EPA
Kadir Jasin, a Mahathir loyalist who sits on the Bersatu supreme council, identified the third personality who turned his back on the former prime minister when he was needed the most: ex-political secretary Muhammad Zahid Md Arip.
At a tempestuous meeting of Bersatu on February 23 – the day before Muhyiddin pulled the party from Pakatan Harapan – Kadir said Zahid surprisingly spoke in support of the split even though it was not Mahathir’s position. “It was as if the majority of the supreme council leaders were possessed by the devil as they pressed Dr Mahathir incessantly to agree with them in pulling Bersatu out of Pakatan Harapan and joining Umno and PAS,” Kadir wrote on Facebook.
“Those who defended Dr Mahathir were a minority and comprised Supreme Council members with no political ambitions … But there were also hypocrites and back-stabbers,” he said. “In front of Dr Mahathir, they would support [him] but [they] actually betrayed him.”

Muhyiddin Yassin appointed as Malaysia’s new PM sparking fears of return to ‘Umno politics’
In the Perikatan Nasional camp, one insider sought to paint a scene of relative calm within the ranks even as cries of betrayal continued unabated from the opposite camp.
“This move ultimately is good for Malaysia. We put an end to the endless politicking, endless bickering, endless talk of succession. We have stability now and we will focus on the economy,” said the political operative.
From the outside, the view was less rosy. By press time, Muhyiddin had not named a cabinet and there was mounting speculation about differences between the prime minister’s Bersatu and Umno – which has more parliamentary seats – over which party should be allocated top portfolios.
By Friday, in the states of Penang and Selangor – the country’s two wealthiest regions – several Bersatu assemblymen had pledged allegiance to Mahathir, who continued to command significant support in the party despite his ousting as prime minister. And in the state of Melaka, Umno assemblymen said they were “cutting ties” with Bersatu despite federal-level cooperation between the parties.
“This crisis continues. I don’t know when it will end,” Mahathir wrote in his famous blog chedet.cc on Tuesday, 48 hours after Muhyiddin’s swearing-in. It appears the final chapter in Malaysia’s latest tale of betrayal is yet to be written. ■

 

[ginfreely]

Xia suay malaysian sons of whores like @Valium @sweetiepie @glockman @Bad New Brown @nightsafari with no morals no kindness no wisdom and no courage to take up my virginity test challenge are so xia suay indeed.

 

[Hypocrite-The]

Dr M: Muhyiddin willing to work with Umno, I can’t, but that’s politics
Saturday, 07 Mar 2020 09:55 PM MYT
BY CHAN WAI KIT

File picture shows former prime minister Tun Dr Mahathir leaving the Perdana Leadership Foundation after meeting with Armada Youth in Putrajaya March 1, 2020. — Picture by Shafwan Zaidon
KUALA LUMPUR, March 7 — The split in Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia happened because Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin was willing to work with Umno but Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad was not, the latter said today.
In his speech at a community event in Jitra, Kedah today, Dr Mahathir said he felt sorry that Muhyiddin had chosen to join forces with individuals who are accused of committing crimes in order to fulfil his prime ministerial ambitions.


“I have been prime minister twice, so no big deal lah. It’s not that I want the position that much.
“But when a friend stabs you in the back, it hurts,” he was quoted as saying by Sinar Harian.

Dr Mahathir also appeared to suggest that backroom manoeuvring may have been taking place far earlier than was suspected.

“During the 14th general election, we worked together to topple a kleptocratic government.
“After we succeeded, those who lost tried to influence PAS and Bersatu members on the pretext of establishing a Malay-centric government.
“Muhyiddin urged me to leave Pakatan Harapan for this reason and work with Umno and PAS,” he was quoted as saying.
However, the former prime minister said he rejected these overtures because he simply couldn’t bring himself to work with Umno knowing what some of the party’s members have been accused of doing to the country.
“But Muhyiddin was willing to work with them while I wasn’t. That’s politics, anything can happen.
“I still remember we came up with a song along the lines of ‘united we stand, divided we fall’ when we established Bersatu.
“In the end, the one who opted for a ‘divorce’ was Muhyiddin who tried to bring down Bersatu and chose Najib over me,” he added in reference to former prime minister Datuk Seri Najib Razak.
With Bersatu loyalties now apparently split between him and Muhyiddin, Dr Mahathir said it was up to its members to decide who should lead the party.
Dr Mahathir is the party chairman while Muhyiddin is the president.
“Now Bersatu is divided. Some are with the president while others are with me.
“But we have a party election and this will decide who will form the party leadership,” he was quoted as saying.
Nomination day for Bersatu’s leadership positions is on March 16. All 189 divisions will cast their vote on April 18. The party’s annual general meeting is slated for June 23 to 28.
Nonetheless, the former prime minister stressed that there are forces at play far greater than politics right now.
Dr Mahathir said Malaysia is facing two major challenges in the form of a faltering economy and the Covid-19 outbreak.
“This is not the time for political wrangling. In order to tackle these two challenges head on, we need to remain calm, but some seem to feel politics takes precedence,” he added.

 

[Hypocrite-The]

Malaysian PM Muhyiddin unveils Cabinet lineup with 4 senior ministers
Malaysian Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin (front, right) had an audience with King Abdullah Ri’ayatuddin Al-Mustafa Billah Shah (front, left) on Mar 9, 2020. (Photo: Instagram/istana_negara)

By Tho Xin Yi
09 Mar 2020 05:29PM (Updated: 09 Mar 2020 09:06PM)
Bookmark
PUTRAJAYA: Malaysian Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin unveiled his Cabinet on Monday (Mar 9), naming four senior ministers in lieu of a deputy premier.
Among the four are Mr Azmin Ali, representing a bloc of 11 Members of Parliament who quit Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR). He will be responsible for international trade and industry issues.

Mr Ismail Sabri Yaakob from the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) will be the senior minister overseeing defence, while Mr Fadillah Yusof from Gabungan Parti Sarawak will the senior minister in-charge of the works ministry.
Senator Mohd Radzi Md Jidin from Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) will be senior minister responsible for education.
The selection of the four senior ministers will ensure that matters related to the economy, security, infrastructure development, as well as education and social affairs can be coordinated effectively between different ministries, Mr Muhyiddin said in a press conference.

FILE PHOTO: Malaysia’s Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin poses for a picture on his first day at the prime minister's office in Putrajaya, Malaysia, March 2, 2020. Malaysia Information Department/Hafiz Itam/Handout via REUTERS


"In short, I want to form a Cabinet that can truly provide the best services to the people - a cabinet that delivers.
"The senior ministers will assist me in carrying out duties as the prime minister, including chairing the Cabinet meetings when I am out of the country. With these senior ministers, there is no need at the moment to select a deputy prime minister," he said.
READ: Malaysian PM Muhyiddin set to announce Cabinet line-up on Monday
Mr Muhyiddin was appointed by the king to the top government post after an intense week of power struggle in Putrajaya, which saw the collapse of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) government.
He had earlier pulled Bersatu out of the PH and worked with UMNO, which was ousted from federal power in the last general election, and several other parties to form a new alliance.
The much-anticipated Cabinet list, announced a week after Mr Muhyiddin was sworn in as prime minister on Mar 1, also has Mr Hishammuddin Hussein from UMNO as Foreign Minister.

File photo of Mr Hishammuddin Hussein during the 16th Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) Shangri-La Dialogue Summit in Singapore on Jun 3, 2017. (Roslan RAHMAN/AFP)

He was formerly the defence minister under the Najib Razak administration. Mr Hishammuddin, the son of Malaysia's third prime minister, is a cousin of Najib.
CIMB Group CEO Tengku Zafrul Tengku Abdul Aziz has been picked for the finance portfolio. He will be appointed as a senator.
UMNO's Dr Adham Baba has been named as Health Minister.
FAMILIAR FACES IN THE LINE-UP
Mr Muhyiddin's Cabinet has several familiar faces.


UMNO's Mr Khairy Jamaluddin, who served as youth and sports minister under the Najib administration, is now the Science, Technology and Innovation Minister.
Malaysian Chinese Association president Wee Ka Siong has been assigned the transport portfolio, while Mr Mustapa Mohamed of UMNO is Minister in the Prime Minister's Department in-charge of the economy.
READ: Azam Baki appointed Malaysia's new anti-corruption chief

Mdm Zuraidah Kamaruddin, who left PKR with Mr Azmin, retained her portfolio as Housing and Local Government Minister.


In his address, Mr Muhyiddin explained that several ministries will be restructured or created.
There will now be a Higher Education Ministry, to be helmed by UMNO's Dr Noraini Ahmad, and a National Unity Ministry with UMNO's Mdm Halimah Mohamed Sadique as minister.
Mr Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man, deputy president of Parti Islam Se-Malaysia, will lead the Environment Ministry.
READ: Malaysia’s palace denies 'royal coup' in appointing new PM
Parti Bersatu Sabah's Dr Maximus Ongkili has been named Minister in the Prime Minister's Department in-charge of Sabah and Sarawak issues.
"My Cabinet will ensure that the spirit of Malaysia Agreement 1963 will be translated into policies and programmes that directly benefits the people of Sabah and Sarawak," Mr Muhyiddin said.
Source: CNA/tx(aw)

 

[unclemarco]

 

[JohnTan]

Malaysian PM Muhyiddin unveils Cabinet lineup with 4 senior ministers
Malaysian Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin (front, right) had an audience with King Abdullah Ri’ayatuddin Al-Mustafa Billah Shah (front, left) on Mar 9, 2020. (Photo: Instagram/istana_negara)

By Tho Xin Yi
09 Mar 2020 05:29PM (Updated: 09 Mar 2020 09:06PM)
Bookmark
PUTRAJAYA: Malaysian Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin unveiled his Cabinet on Monday (Mar 9), naming four senior ministers in lieu of a deputy premier.
Among the four are Mr Azmin Ali, representing a bloc of 11 Members of Parliament who quit Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR). He will be responsible for international trade and industry issues.

Mr Ismail Sabri Yaakob from the United Malays National Organisation (UMNO) will be the senior minister overseeing defence, while Mr Fadillah Yusof from Gabungan Parti Sarawak will the senior minister in-charge of the works ministry.
Senator Mohd Radzi Md Jidin from Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia (Bersatu) will be senior minister responsible for education.
The selection of the four senior ministers will ensure that matters related to the economy, security, infrastructure development, as well as education and social affairs can be coordinated effectively between different ministries, Mr Muhyiddin said in a press conference.

FILE PHOTO: Malaysia’s Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin poses for a picture on his first day at the prime minister's office in Putrajaya, Malaysia, March 2, 2020. Malaysia Information Department/Hafiz Itam/Handout via REUTERS


"In short, I want to form a Cabinet that can truly provide the best services to the people - a cabinet that delivers.
"The senior ministers will assist me in carrying out duties as the prime minister, including chairing the Cabinet meetings when I am out of the country. With these senior ministers, there is no need at the moment to select a deputy prime minister," he said.
READ: Malaysian PM Muhyiddin set to announce Cabinet line-up on Monday
Mr Muhyiddin was appointed by the king to the top government post after an intense week of power struggle in Putrajaya, which saw the collapse of the Pakatan Harapan (PH) government.
He had earlier pulled Bersatu out of the PH and worked with UMNO, which was ousted from federal power in the last general election, and several other parties to form a new alliance.
The much-anticipated Cabinet list, announced a week after Mr Muhyiddin was sworn in as prime minister on Mar 1, also has Mr Hishammuddin Hussein from UMNO as Foreign Minister.

File photo of Mr Hishammuddin Hussein during the 16th Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS) Shangri-La Dialogue Summit in Singapore on Jun 3, 2017. (Roslan RAHMAN/AFP)

He was formerly the defence minister under the Najib Razak administration. Mr Hishammuddin, the son of Malaysia's third prime minister, is a cousin of Najib.
CIMB Group CEO Tengku Zafrul Tengku Abdul Aziz has been picked for the finance portfolio. He will be appointed as a senator.
UMNO's Dr Adham Baba has been named as Health Minister.
FAMILIAR FACES IN THE LINE-UP
Mr Muhyiddin's Cabinet has several familiar faces.


UMNO's Mr Khairy Jamaluddin, who served as youth and sports minister under the Najib administration, is now the Science, Technology and Innovation Minister.
Malaysian Chinese Association president Wee Ka Siong has been assigned the transport portfolio, while Mr Mustapa Mohamed of UMNO is Minister in the Prime Minister's Department in-charge of the economy.
READ: Azam Baki appointed Malaysia's new anti-corruption chief

Mdm Zuraidah Kamaruddin, who left PKR with Mr Azmin, retained her portfolio as Housing and Local Government Minister.


In his address, Mr Muhyiddin explained that several ministries will be restructured or created.
There will now be a Higher Education Ministry, to be helmed by UMNO's Dr Noraini Ahmad, and a National Unity Ministry with UMNO's Mdm Halimah Mohamed Sadique as minister.
Mr Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man, deputy president of Parti Islam Se-Malaysia, will lead the Environment Ministry.
READ: Malaysia’s palace denies 'royal coup' in appointing new PM
Parti Bersatu Sabah's Dr Maximus Ongkili has been named Minister in the Prime Minister's Department in-charge of Sabah and Sarawak issues.
"My Cabinet will ensure that the spirit of Malaysia Agreement 1963 will be translated into policies and programmes that directly benefits the people of Sabah and Sarawak," Mr Muhyiddin said.
Source: CNA/tx(aw)

I'm guess the token MCA chink minister would be minister of transport?

 

[JohnTan]

View attachment 73091

Ah Gong was right. The dogs will always return to eat their own shit. They can't help it. Chink words of wisdom that's applicable to jiuhu.

 

[Hypocrite-The]

Muhyiddin’s Cabinet a safe lineup accommodating coalition partners, people’s expectations: Analysts
Malaysia's Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin holds a folder after unveiling his new cabinet. (Photo: AFP/Mohd Rasfan)

By D Kanyakumari
10 Mar 2020 06:00AM (Updated: 10 Mar 2020 01:12PM)
Bookmark
KUALA LUMPUR: The Malaysian Cabinet announced by Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin on Monday (Mar 9) was a “safe” lineup that accommodated the interests of his coalition partners, as well as expectations from people for a clean government, said analysts interviewed by CNA.
In a break from tradition, Mr Muhyiddin appointed four senior ministers in his Cabinet, in lieu of a deputy premier.

The four senior ministers are former Parti Keadilan Rakyat (PKR) member Mr Azmin Ali, United Malays National Organisation’s (UMNO) Mr Ismail Sabri Yaakob, Gabungan Parti Sarawak’s (GPS) Mr Fadillah Yusof and Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia’s (Bersatu) Dr Mohd Radzi Md Jidin.
Universiti Malaya Sarawak’s Dr Jeniri Amir noted that it was a delicate balancing act for the new prime minister.
“He has taken into account all factors including all the component parties that have contributed to his appointment as prime minister and the formation of Perikatan Nasional.
“Overall, it is a predictable and safe Cabinet and people are where they are supposed to be,” he said.

READ: Commentary - Muhyiddin Yassin, the all-seasoned politician, who rose to Malaysia’s pinnacle of power
Commenting on Mr Azmin’s appointment, Dr Jeniri said it was due to political necessity.
“Azmin brought in 10 additional parliamentarians to the table for the prime minister. So obviously he needs prominence ... His (Mr Azmin’s) political contribution needs to be taken in to ensure Mr Muhyiddin’s position is not jeopardised,” he said
He added that it was wise of Mr Muhyiddin to exclude UMNO president Ahmad Zahid Hamidi in his Cabinet.

United Malays National Organization (UMNO) President Ahmad Zahid Hamidi and Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party President Hadi Awang hug during Ummah Unity Gathering in Kuala Lumpur on Sep 14, 2019. (Photo: REUTERS/Lim Huey Teng)

“It shows that he honours his word to have a Cabinet made up of people with integrity,” he said.
Last week, the prime minister said in a national address that he would form a government that is clean, has integrity and free of corruption.
Similarly, Universiti Sains Malaysia’s Dr Ahmad Fauzi said Mr Muhyiddin was smart to have avoided some contentious names.
“The people would not want those charged with corruption cases,” he said, adding that it was a good sign that the prime minister was in line with public sentiments.
There are several senior UMNO figures who are now embroiled in graft trials, including former prime minister Najib Razak, Zahid and UMNO treasurer Tengku Adnan Tengku Mansor.
READ: Azam Baki appointed Malaysia's new anti-corruption chief

4 SENIOR MINISTERS, BUT NO DPM
Prof Ahmad Fauzi added that the decision to appoint four senior ministers was a clever move.
“Not having a deputy avoids the stress of choosing the ideal candidate to take on as an immediate successor. In case anything happens to him, being a cancer survivor, the absence of a deputy closes the possibility of an intra-Cabinet tussle for the job.
“If something does happen, then the senior ministers will have to collectively decide (on the way forward) with the input of the whole Cabinet,” he said.

Malaysia's incoming Prime Minister Muhyiddin Yassin waves outside his residence in Kuala Lumpur before his swearing-in ceremony as the country's new leader. (Photo: AFP / Malaysia's Department of Information)

Mr Muhyiddin, when announcing his Cabinet, said that having senior ministers will ensure that matters related to the economy, security, infrastructure development, as well as education and social affairs can be coordinated effectively between different ministries.
"The senior ministers will assist me in carrying out duties as the prime minister, including chairing the Cabinet meetings when I am out of the country. With these senior ministers, there is no need at the moment to select a deputy prime minister," he said.
Prof Ahmad Fauzi explained that not having a deputy prime minister, though unusual in Malaysia, was actually common in many other countries. Appointing a deputy premier is not mandated by the Constitution, he said.
Dr Jeniri posited that Mr Muhyiddin could be keeping the deputy premier position vacant, for a certain UMNO parliamentarian to eventually take over.
“I think he wants to reserve that position until a certain UMNO leader has his name cleared. Constitutionally, he can do that,” he said.
READ: Malaysia’s palace denies 'royal coup' in appointing new PM
PRESERVING BORNEO’S POLITICAL INTERESTS
Analysts also noted that the Cabinet line-up takes into account Borneo’s political interests, as the prime minister needs Borneo’s support to have a stronger majority in parliament.
Besides the appointment of Mr Fadillah as senior minister, the new Cabinet has six ministers and seven deputy ministers from Borneo. This is a significant representation in Mr Muhyiddin’s inner circle.
“Rightfully so, because their support is important,” says Dr Jeniri.
READ: Vote against Muhyuddin akin to vote against King, says PAS president
He added that GPS got the “best deal” this time around. The representation of Borneo politicians in the Cabinet was necessary for the prime minister, as it is a signal of ethnic diversity and a move to strengthen Mr Muhyiddin’s hand in parliament, said Dr Jeniri.
“Their political contribution should be taken into account. To ensure there is no upset in the balance,” he said.

A general view at Parliament House in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia. (Photo: AFP/Mohd Rasfan)

GPS’ support for Mr Muhyiddin as prime minister was important in tipping the balance in his favour at the height of the political crisis last month.
Following the announcement by the king to appoint Mr Muhyiddin as the eighth Prime Minister of Malaysia, Pakatan Harapan (PH) leaders led by Dr Mahathir Mohamad have indicated that they would table a motion of no confidence against Mr Muhyiddin at the next parliament sitting on May 18.
READ: Commentary - Three underlying forces fuelled Malaysia's recent political crisis
However, Dr Oh Ei Sun, a senior fellow with the Singapore Institute of International Affairs told CNA that despite having a large number of Borneo ministers in the Cabinet, most of them were given “peripheral” portfolios.
“Besides Mr Fadillah who has the Works Ministry, the Cabinet looks very much as it did in the pre-2018 Malaysia General Election.
“As usual, East Malaysians are relegated to some of the more technical and more peripheral ministries.”


LACK OF MINORITY RACE MINISTERS AN AREA OF CONCERN
Some cited the lack of minority race ministers in the Cabinet as a potential area of concern.

MCA President and Ayer Hitam MP Wee Ka Siong. (Photo: Facebook/Wee Ka Siong)

Under the lineup, Mr Wee Ka Siong, president of the Malaysian Chinese Association (MCA) was made Transport Minister, while Malaysian Indian Congress’ (MIC) Mr Saravanan Murugan would head the Human Resources Ministry.
Mr Wee Jeck Seng was appointed as the deputy minister for the Ministry of Plantation and Commodities, while Mr Lim Ban Hong was appointed as the deputy minister for the International Trade and Industries Ministry. Both are from MCA.
Additionally, the newly appointed deputy education minister Dr Mah Hang Soon is also a member of MCA. He and Mr Lim will be appointed senators on Tuesday.
Despite these appointments, Dr Ahmad Fauzi said the lack of representation of ethnic minorities in the Cabinet may backfire on the prime minister, given the nature of racial politics in Malaysia.
“It is the very first time that there is so little representation of Chinese and Indian in the Cabinet. It’s an international perception that Perikatan Nasional would be very Malay-centric and this has been proven in the Cabinet selection,” he noted.


Dr Jeniri, however said that Mr Muhyiddin has “done enough”.
“At least there is one Indian and one Chinese (serving as full ministers) in the Cabinet,” he said.
He was echoed by Dr Oh who said the small allocation for the ethic minorities was a “political necessity”.
“Most of those who supported Perikatan are Malays. And if he (Mr Muhyiddin) was to reach out and add senators, honestly there aren’t many senator positions,” said Dr Oh.
“This is politics and because many of them (Indians and Chinese) supported the PH coalition, you cannot award them ministries.”

 

[Bad New Brown]

As at now the updated wiki said :

PN 112

PH 110

Total 222

 

[Hypocrite-The]

Has Malaysia's new PM inherited a poisoned chalice? | Malaysia
Malaysia’s prime minister, Muhyiddin Yassin, speaks during a news conference
Muhyiddin Yassin is a low-profile and cautious politician, according to analysts. Photograph: Lim Huey Teng/Reuters
Has Malaysia’s new PM inherited a poisoned chalice?
Muhyiddin Yassin faces big challenges – and some say he may be bad news for minorities

Rebecca Ratcliffe South-east Asia correspondent
Fri 13 Mar 2020 16.00 AEDT
When Malaysia’s government plunged into chaos last month, some believed the country’s veteran leader Mahathir Mohamad was likely to emerge an even more powerful political force. Instead, it was Muhyiddin Yassin, a much quieter figure, who was eventually appointed prime minister.

Muhyiddin, a conservative Malay nationalist, is a low-profile and cautious politician, say analysts.

“If you look at his political history, every time there has been a political crisis he is the last one to show his hand,” says James Chin, professor of Asian studies at Tasmania University. “He sits between all the warring groups, lets them fight it out, then he will come in at the last minute.”

As the ruling alliance became consumed by a power struggle between supporters of Mahathir and his successor-in-waiting, Anwar Ibrahim, Muhyiddin managed to outmanoeuvre both.

His swearing in as prime minister on 1 March followed a long political career, the majority of which has been spent with Umno, a party that has been in power in Malaysia for six decades and has since been entangled in corruption scandals.

He joined Umno in 1971, in Johor, a Malay heartland, where he was later appointed as chief minister. Muhyiddin also served in several positions in central government, including as deputy prime minister under Najib Razak, but was fired in 2015 after questioning Najib’s handling of allegations surrounding the 1MDB affair, one of the world’s biggest financial scandals.

After his dismissal, Muhyiddin went on to join the Bersatu party, which was set up by Mahathir to oust Najib’s scandal-hit government from power. In 2018 it achieved a historic election victory when voters opted for a multiracial reformist alliance that promised an end to corruption.

But, following the collapse of the alliance only two years later, Muhyiddin has partnered again with Umno, returning to power the same party that he helped to remove from office. With Muhyiddin reliant on support from the former regime, there are doubts as to whether those implicated in corruption scandals will be held to account.

There are also concerns over what Muhyiddin’s government will mean for minorities. His appointment follows growing dissatisfaction among many in the Malay majority, who accuse the previous ruling alliance of giving too much support to minority interests.

About 60% of Malaysia’s population are ethnic Malay Muslims, while the country also has large ethnic Chinese and Indian communities. Muhyiddin, who once described himself “a Malay first”, has included very little representation from minority groups in the key government positions that were announced this week.

Azmil Tayeb, a political scientist, fears that if economic or political troubles get worse, Muhyiddin may be tempted to “exploit ethno-nationalist tensions to divert attention from the real problems”.

It appears likely that Muhyiddin, whose bloated cabinet features far more posts for supporters than that of the previous alliance, will survive a looming no-confidence vote. But analysts point out that he was ushered into power through a flurry of backroom deals and does not have a public mandate.

He will face high levels of scrutiny, said Bridget Welsh, an honorary research fellow at the University of Nottingham Malaysia’s Asia Research Institute. “It’s a different era in Malaysia and there is a lot more caution and care over corruption.”

Muhyiddin has tried to define his leadership as being anti-corruption, but some of the individuals in his cabinet were tainted with allegations, although the cases are not ongoing.

He has become prime minister at a difficult time for the country, Welsh adds. “You have the coronavirus, an underperforming economy with very limited economic reform, the significant drop in the oil price and very limited revenue options in terms of the high level of debt that the government inherited from the 1MDB scandal among others,” she said.

Muhyiddin will not only need to prove his own legitimacy as a leader, but also address Malaysia’s deep economic and political problems, she added. “He faces a much more challenging political and economic environment than perhaps I would argue any previous prime minister has ever faced in Malaysia.”

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