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Thug-Sin's bombs will not stop PAD

Obama has sound ideas unlike Yap, Chee, McCain and the rest of them who are just bent on character assaination.

Why didn't you ask you pal Gopi to vote McCain? McCain would have invaded Singapore to secure its wealth.
 
Obama has sound ideas unlike Yap, Chee, McCain and the rest of them who are just bent on character assaination.

Why didn't you ask you pal Gopi to vote McCain? McCain would have invaded Singapore to secure its wealth.

You are just describing your own PAP's foul limping dog tactics. :oIo:
 
Thai protesters with PAD are just unafraid. They will still fight Thug-Sin on regardless of these bombings.

http://nationmultimedia.com/breakingnews/read.php?newsid=30089773

Bomb exploded at PAD's rally site inside the Government House and ASTV station






A bomb exploded inside Thailand's Government House compound at 11.50pm on Saturday, wounding over 30 of anti-government protesters.


People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) reported over 30 people injured, of which three are in serious condition.
The bomb, reportedly M79 type, exploded just 200 metres away from the PAD's main stage inside the Government House. It was fired outside the rally ground from a similar direction of the recent attack at the site.
The injured people are sent to the Ramathibodi Hosptial.
There were another explosion at ASTV station on Phra Arthit Road at 00.15 on Sunday morning, just around 25 minutes away from the attack at Government House.
Two bombs are reportedly exploded at the ASTV office. Witnesses also heard the gunfire lasting about 10 minutes. No injury was reported.



http://nationmultimedia.com/2008/11/30/politics/politics_30089774.php

45 injured in explosion inside Government House


By The Nation



4 in serious condition, 3 more explosions heard at ASTV station and Don Mueang Airport


A grenade was launched into the Government House compound minutes late Saturday night, injuring 45 people.

The explosion occurred at 11:50 pm Saturday when the protesters were preparing to rest and leaders of the People's Alliance for the Democracy were about to stop the activities on the stage.

The bomb fell on the roof of a tent on the left side of the stage and fell onto the ground and exploded.

Two injured protesters were rushed to Vajira Hospital and 43 others to Ramathibody Hospital.

The bomb, believed by the PAD to be an M79 grenade, exploded just 200 metres away from the PAD's main stage inside the Government House. It was fired outside the rally ground from a similar direction of the recent attack at the site.

Suriyasai Katasila said guards saw a flash from the direction of the Benjamabophit Hospital so it was believed the grenade was launched from the direction.

PAD guards checked and concluded that the assailant fired the grenade from a building inside the Rajamangala Technology University.

Most of the injured were hit by shrapnel at their face and eyes. Most are women.

Four of the injured remained in the intensive care unit.

They were identified as Kanchana Muennoo, 27, Jitra Jintanatham, 57, Suphana, surname unknown and Pienjai, surname unknown. The four are women. Kanchana's left lung was torn by the bomb shrapnel and doctors had to resuscitate her.
A 60-year-old woman from Kanchanaburi recounted that she was sleeping and woken up with the explosion.

She saw her friends bleeding on their limps.

"The guards ordered us to lie low and I tried to crawl to safety. But I am not afraid. If it's not my time, I'll be all right," she added.
Two explosions were heard at ASTV station on Phra Arthit Road at 12:15 am Sunday morning, just around 20 minutes after the attack at Government House.

Witnesses also heard the gunfire lasting about 10 minutes. No injury was reported.

Later on at 3:55 am, a bomb exploded near a bunker made of tyres at the Don Mueang Airport.

The explosion occurred at the main entrance to the passenger terminal.

Before the explosion occurred, about 7 gunshots were heard from the direction of a warehouse deeper inside the airport compound.

No one was injured in the explosion.

The explosion prompted the PAD to resume its activities on the stage after the activities were ended at 2 am.
 
If I were Somchai I would get a group of loyal core elite commandoes (paramilitary if needed) to go round up all the top PAD leaders from Sodhi and Cham downwards, including the ones who are financing PAD, fast and clean.

Then without the "head" let's see if the "body" of PAD can continue with its mischief, mayhem and chaos.
 
If I were Somchai I would get a group of loyal core elite commandoes (paramilitary if needed) to go round up all the top PAD leaders from Sodhi and Cham downwards, including the ones who are financing PAD, fast and clean.

Then without the "head" let's see if the "body" of PAD can continue with its mischief, mayhem and chaos.

How do u handle those who claim to want democracy and yet are not practising democracy?

deal with them in the most undemocrtic way, kill them all.

PAD has no intention to promote democracy, they cant win at the polls and now are trying a revolution of sort. claiming to have the royal family backing them is a bad move. in fact that means if the royal family is playing such mischeif, they are useless in the development and thailand and hence should be removed.

Uncleyap claim to fight for democracy and are against curruption. yet he is blind to see that PAD and the thai royals are against democracy and are promoting curruption in another manner.

Uncleyap ur blind hate for the Lees had shown u were never interested in the well being of singapreans but just to satisfacted ypur own hatre. In the eyes of SDP, u r redundent. in my eyes, ur time and usefulness is over.

Rest In peace.
 
Uncleyap claim to fight for democracy and are against curruption. yet he is blind to see that PAD and the thai royals are against democracy and are promoting curruption in another manner.

Rest In peace.

You must really be joking when you say agent provocateur Yap fights for democracy. This windbag doesn't have a clue what democracy means.
 
You must really be joking when you say agent provocateur Yap fights for democracy. This windbag doesn't have a clue what democracy means.

You can say that I m very disappointed in Yap in how he could be so blind in sight and dumb in mind over what is really happening.
 
29 November 2008
Politics airport-style



--------------------------------------------------------------------------------





Seizing an airport and stranding a reported 90,000 travellers in Bangkok with no way to fly out of the city is certainly headline-grabbing. News media tell the story in many ways, from political moves to inconvenienced-man-in-the-street tales, but I see very little that attempts to explain the bigger picture.


PAD supporters occupy the passenger terminal of Bangkok's Suvarnabhumi airport


Part of the reason why it may be hard, at least for formal media organisations, to tell the story is because it involves the royal family and Thailand's strict lese majesté law makes it a crime to mention royalty in unflattering light. Like Singapore's use of defamation suits and more recently contempt of court laws, the lese majesté law has the effect of creating self-censorship.

What is happening in Thailand this year is really a war of succession. This is a classic kind of conflict that arises when a political era has ended or is coming to an end and various powers jostle to seize the upper hand for the next period. The era that is ending is the reign of King Rama IX (Bhumibol Adulyadej), but apparently, you're not even supposed to insinuate that!

For much of his reign, Thailand has been ruled alternately by military dictatorships and short-lived parliamentary governments. Whether one or the other, generals, politicians and senior civil servants have been drawn from the social elite, who have mostly served the interests of their own class. Thailand is relatively business-friendly because this class owns a lot of businesses. Development is centred on Bangkok, because this class is mostly based in the capital, while much of Thailand remains dirt-poor. The wealth gap between those who live in upscale Suan Phlu condominiums and their maids' families back in a rural village is shocking.




A typical villager's house in Surin province, Thailand

Despite these tensions, social peace has been maintained through a triad of reasons:

Firstly, Thai governments, whatever their ilk, have not done absolutely nothing for the provinces; they have done at least the minimum, such as extending the electrical grid, building roads and providing schools, that provides a semblance of progress.

Secondly, Bhumibol is genuinely popular. He spent many years criss-crossing the country listening to country folk and it is largely through his personal influence that Thai governments have not completely neglected the provinces. (But see also the box at right.)

Thirdly, Thai culture is not yet fully modern. It sees social stratification as normal and people accommodate themselves to this fact of life through a complex system of patronage. Higher-ups are respected for the gifts that they occasionally shower on poorer folk, who return the favour with loyalty; at no time do people question why some chaps are rich and powerful enough to dispense patronage and why others must remain receivers of charity.



While respect for the king is definitely genuine, it should also be noted that there has been a huge amount of propaganda over the decades building up the image of the monarchy. In Thailand, one is frequently struck by the excessive, usually obsequious, display of engineered adulation.





Despite the spread of schools, educational standards are still poor and (I believe) a majority of children in the provinces do not finish middle school. What is produced is a large pool of minimally-educated workers who are able to staff the production lines, restaurants and hotels of booming Bangkok and its industrial estates, but who do not expect the social mobility to ever challenge the place of the elite.

Then came the Asian financial crisis of 1997 and Thaksin Shinawatra. The first felled many rich Thais who had over-extended themselves by borrowing abroad (at fixed exchange rates) to fund their domestic investments. The moment the Thai central bank could not maintain the exchange rate and was forced to devalue the baht, whole swathes of rich Thai society were financially crippled. Large projects in Bangkok stood unfinished. Suddenly, the upper class of Thai society did not look so permanent after all.


Thaksin after an election victory


Into this situation burst Thaksin Shawatra, who was already a tycoon before he entered politics. In 2001, he won the general election -– then considered one of the most open, corruption-free elections ever held -- becoming prime minister. His government promptly instituted a series of populist measures, including the 30-baht healthcare scheme that brought state healthcare within reach of many rural families for the first time.

With his popularity so cemented, he proved he could win successive elections. In 2005, his Thai Rak Thai party swept 374 seats in the 500-seat lower house. This model for winning elections -– appealing to the interests of the provincial masses -– would prove highly threatening to the Bangkok elite. For the first time, they had to contemplate a government that did not depend on them, or on the royal court, for favours.

Accusations were hurled at him about corruption, vote-buying, and so on, and possibly some of the charges may well be true, though in the present charged, partisan atmosphere, it is difficult to get an impartial view as to the real facts.


Sondhi Limthongkul

Before long, Sondhi Limthongkul, a media magnate, emerged as the point man for the anti-Thaksin campaign. From the beginning, Sondhi and his People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD) were reputed to enjoy support from not only a cross section of the Bangkok elite, but from the court as well.

Propelling his campiagn was a sense that the political equation in Thailand had changed. The docile masses had tasted the power of their voting rights, and would in time become more and more assertive. Through Thaksin's party, they would become the new permanent majority in Thailand's politics, sidelining the old order.



So came the coup of September 2006 and a short period of military rule. Yet, it changed nothing, for when elections under a new constitution were held again in December 2007, the People Power Party (PPP), the successor to the banned Thai Rak Thai, became the largest party in parliament, and with a few allies, formed the post-coup government.

That's when the PAD changed its tune. From asserting that its campaign was against Thaksin's corrupt politics, it finally came out to say that its aim was to rewrite the constitution to make future parliaments 70 percent appointed. The masses were not to be trusted with the vote because, according to Sondhi, they were "ill-educated" and prone to selling their vote.

This is an admission that one leg of the triad that kept the old order in place has been knocked out. The masses have been empowered through their experience of Thaksin-style populism and they are not likely to go back to their meek selves.

But who would be doing the appointing of the 70 percent? Nobody ever details that.

Another leg is cracking too. King Bhumibol is now frail. He will turn 81 next month. The crown prince enjoys nothing like the same reverence that the old king does. When Bhumibol goes, the second leg of the triad goes too.



That this prospect figures strongly in the PAD's calculations was seen when -- I wish I had kept the quote and reference -- Sondhi let slip that the matter was urgent: The problem had to be solved before the royal succession.

Everybody in Thailand knows, but no one is saying it: The royal court is one of the key parties behind the PAD. Why? They need to institutionalise their grip on power before the informal influence wielded by the old king fades into history. At the same time, this faction has wide support among the Bangkok elite because they too see their interests threatened when future governments are beholden to the provincial masses rather than to them.

This is why I say it's a classic war of succession. Who would hold sway over the future of Thailand post-Bhumibol? As the king's health deteriorates, the battle becomes ever more desperate -- to the extent of seizing the airport and cutting off Bangkok from the rest of the world. The PAD and its backers see it as an existential struggle. That being the case, it hardly matters whether Thailand's economy is destroyed in the process, because if they fail, they'd be destroyed.

Singaporeans might ask the question: when will it be our turn?

© Yawning Bread
 
You can say that I m very disappointed in Yap in how he could be so blind in sight and dumb in mind over what is really happening.

I'm disappointed with Uncle Yap. He only espouses democracy when it suits his purposes. When it doesn't, that's when his selfish side takes hold of him.

And as for the resignation, I fear that the current PM is reaching the point of no return. He's already losing much of his control over the armed forces, and people aren't listening to him. Its just sad that both sides are just as bad as each other. Little point in choosing when one's a fire, while the other is an oven. Both ways, you're still toast.
 
As is always the case with Thai culture,what you see on the surface is not necessarily the reality.Behind the gentle wais,or traditional Thai greeting,and friendly smiles has always lurked deep-rooted social contradictions.
 
all the coalition parites in the government had been declared illegal and ordered to dissolved.
this is a bit like what happen to UMNO of Malaysia.

but they still hold the majorities in the parliament.
those parties will just register another name and still will stay in power unless a fresh election has been call. the next prime minister will still be from one of those parties.

"change the soup without changing the ingredients/medicine"
 
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