PR in South Africa

[nicolewong]

Chinese Cake shop in South Africa

 

[nicolewong]

Best Places in Chinatown

If you are looking for a lifestyle antidote to the hipster districts of Maboneng and Braamfontein you’ll find it on Derrick Avenue in Cyrildene, Joburg’s new Chinatown. An impressive archway marks the start of Chinatown on Friedland Avenue and a change in tone from the surrounding suburb’s 1950s genteel architecture.

The language, building facades and the people are unmistakably Asian, as are the arrangement of storefronts that include supermarkets, restaurants, tea shops, fish stalls, vegetable market stalls, massage parlours, an acupuncturist, hair salons and a karaoke club. The street also has an authentic grittiness, which only seems to add to its charm. There is an enormous choice of places to eat tasty and well-priced Asian food - anything from Szechuan cuisine to Thai, Taiwanese, Korean and Shanghai delicacies. For the adventurous eater there is probably a lot of fun to be had in deciphering Chinese menus that carry no English translation.

These are some of the best of the many venues on Derrick Avenue:

Simplicity Coffee & Tea

A tiny teashop owned by Betty Wu and built into the foyer of an apartment block, Hillview Heights, this is the perfect place to stop for a refreshing Chinese pearl milk tea. Try the pearl green tea with milk.

Sai Thai

Siriporn Lui (known as Micky) serves up an extensive menu of Thai cuisine at her multi-award winning restaurant. At one point in her career Micky was the Executive Chef in Air Chefs for Thai Airways, her Som Tom Green Papaya Salad having won her a top prize.

Fisherman’s Plate

A no-fuss, no frills Taiwanese restaurant the dishes here are full of flavour and great value. Bring a crowd and spin that lazy Susan full of plates so you get a chance to taste the curried prawns, cashew nut chicken and peppered beef and lots more besides.

Chinese Northern Foods Restaurant

The word “authentic” keeps coming up when quizzing experts on Chinese food. Dumplings, hot pots, heaps of garlic and exotically described dishes like “little sheep with oil” are all on the menu here. The fans say don’t go for the décor, this is a place to focus on your food. This is also a sister restaurant to Chinese Northern Foods in Rivonia.

Bangkok Thai Spa

This Thai Spa offers a range of Thai traditional and Western-style massages to suit any tastes, at cut-rate prices. Weekdays specials are a one-hour massage for R199. The rooms are spotless and brightly outfitted in Thai fabrics and you will be greeted cheerily from the front verandah by a profusion of silk orchids that give the adjoining Thai restaurant its name.

Hao Jue International Club

Situated a block or two in from the Friedland Street archway is a non-descript rounded office block housing the Hao Jue International Club. No markings on the building’s exterior give away the fact that a few floors up inside is a karaoke club renting out party rooms for the night, complete with plush couches, big screens, powerful sound systems and fantastically translated English pop songs set to videos of Korean lovers strolling hand in hand across odd Swedish-looking landscapes. Perfect for a private party.

 

[eatshitndie]

for sinkie chinkies, the last thing you want to happen when you relocate to another cuntry is to end up getting sucked into a "chinatown".

 

[winnipegjets]

The Chinatown is to cater for the Ah Tiongs who are arriving in masses to exploit the resources there.

 

[extramarital]

Good luck migrating that shithole country. South Africa has a very high crime rate. If you don't raped or killed by the blacks, you'll get bashed by the rednecks.

 

[da dick]

Good luck migrating that shithole country. South Africa has a very high crime rate. If you don't raped or killed by the blacks, you'll get bashed by the rednecks.

agree. chinese gangsters and merchants who will rip u off and rob you, or black gangsters who will rape u even if you r a guy because they fetish for pale skin, or racist whites who dun even want to see your face. take your pick suckers!!! i herd a lot of ah tiongs in sinkie also want to work there. maybe they like black cock a lot?

 

[nicolewong]

China a major player in South Africa's media

Associated Press
10 May 2013

When one of South Africa’s biggest newspaper chains was sold last month, an odd name was buried in the list of new owners: China International Television Corp.

A major stake in a South African newspaper group might seem an unusual acquisition for Chinese state television, but it was no mystery to anyone who has watched the rapid expansion of China’s media empire across Africa.

From newspapers and magazines to satellite television and radio stations, China is investing heavily in African media. It’s part of a long-term campaign to bolster Beijing’s “soft power” – not just through diplomacy, but also through foreign aid, business links, scholarships, training programs, academic institutes and the media.

Its investments have allowed China to promote its own media agenda in Africa, using a formula of upbeat business and cultural stories and a deferential pro-government tone, while ignoring human-rights issues and the backlash against China’s own growing power.

The formula is a familiar one used widely in China’s domestic media. It leads to a tightly controlled pro-China message, according to journalists and ex-journalists at the Africa branch of CCTV, the Chinese state television monopoly that owns China International Television and launched a new headquarters in Nairobi last year.

“It was ‘our way or the highway,’” recalls a journalist who worked in Ethiopia for CCTV. He said he was ordered to focus primarily on diplomatic negotiations over Sudan, with his bosses citing “China’s interest in the region” – a reference to China’s state oil companies and their heavy investments in Sudan.

Other CCTV Africa journalists say they were told to provide positive news on China, to omit negative words such as “regime,” and to ignore countries such as Swaziland that have diplomatic relations with Taiwan. Chinese demand for ivory could not be mentioned in stories about Africa’s poaching crisis, one journalist said. Another recalled how human-rights questions had to be avoided in an interview with an authoritarian African leader. “I knew it would be cut out of my story, so I self-censored,” he said.

The journalists asked not to be named for fear of repercussions.

If there is an “information war” between China and the United States on an African battleground, as former U.S. Secretary of State Hillary Clinton suggested at a Congressional committee hearing in 2011, it appears that China is beginning to win the war.

In South Africa, Chinese investors have teamed up with allies of the ruling African National Congress to purchase Independent News and Media, one of the most powerful media groups in the country, which owns daily newspapers in all of the major cities.

The deal was spearheaded by Iqbal Surve, a businessman with close African National Congress connections who says he wants the media to report more “positive aspects” of the country. Financing was provided by state investment groups from China and South Africa, along with Mr. Surve’s consortium. Top leaders of the ANC helped put together the Chinese investors with Mr. Surve’s group, analysts said.

Under the deal, China International Television and the China-Africa Development Fund, both controlled by Beijing, will end up with 20 per cent of the newspaper chain – a stake that will allow them to materially influence the company, according to South Africa’s Competition Commission.

Even though South Africa’s feisty journalists will push back against any attempt to censor them, China is still likely to end up with more power to shape the media in Africa’s wealthiest country.

“I do not think the Chinese authorities will crudely impose their views on our media, as they do on much of their own, but I do think that they are likely to try and influence it for a more sympathetic view of themselves and the ANC government,” said Anton Harber, a journalism professor at the University of the Witwatersrand in South Africa, who has reported extensively on the Chinese investments.

“It is my view that the ANC is working with their Chinese allies – ruling party to ruling party, in the way the Chinese government so often works – to increase their influence in our local media and counter what they view as a hostile media sector.”

Meanwhile, other Chinese media investors are gaining a bigger foothold across Africa. A Chinese company, StarTimes, purchased a controlling stake in South African satellite television provider TopTV this year, adding to its presence in 13 other African countries. The state-run radio broadcaster, China Radio International, has FM stations in three East African cities, while its AM channel covers all of Kenya.

China’s leading English-language state newspaper, China Daily, created an Africa edition last December, published in Nairobi and distributed on Kenya Airways flights and other venues. China has also launched a monthly magazine, ChinAfrica, based in Johannesburg.

China’s state news agency, Xinhua, has nearly 30 bureaus in Africa, along with its own television channel. It provides news bulletins for 17-million Kenyan cellphones, while CCTV provides a mobile TV service called I Love Africa. African journalists and press officers are often invited on all-expenses-paid “training” sessions in Beijing, as part of Chinese aid programs that give short-term training to 30,000 Africans and full university scholarships to another 18,000.

In Zimbabwe, CCTV provided new equipment for the state television monopoly, allowing it to broadcast President Robert Mugabe’s campaign rallies for many hours during the July election campaign. China also supplied giant television screens for Zimbabwe’s main cities, so that government information could be broadcast on the streets.

The centrepiece of China’s media empire is its new CCTV hub in Nairobi and its flagship show, Africa Live. With its staff of about 100 people (about 40 of whom are Chinese), and correspondents in 14 bureaus, the show is intended to compete with BBC and CNN.

Top executives of CCTV in Nairobi declined requests for an interview. But speaking on condition of anonymity, their journalists said the Africa headquarters is extremely well-financed, with state-of-the-art equipment and salaries double the Kenyan norm.

Its content, however, is often simplistic and condescending. It produced a documentary, for example, called Glamorous Kenya that portrayed the country as “a land of mystery” and “kingdom of animals.” It gives consistently glowing coverage of Chinese trade and aid in Africa, including frequent stories about the two dozen Confucius Institutes that provide Chinese language training across Africa.

News scripts are carefully vetted by Chinese editors, the journalists say, and there are instructions to avoid any negative coverage of Chinese leaders at summits. Some journalists are docked pay if their reports are considered “poor.”

When a CCTV reporter quoted Zambian mine workers who were angry at their Chinese employer, his story was shelved. And when Muslims protested against the Ethiopian government, the CCTV correspondent wondered whether to cover the street protests. His bosses swiftly vetoed it. “No religion,” they said.

 

[nicolewong]

Chinese now classified as Blacks - that is like Bumiputera status in Malaysia.


South Africa Chinese Citizens Reclassified as Blacks

Laura Oneale
April 16, 2014

Chinese citizens of South Africa are once again being reclassified as blacks by the ruling government. A ruling by a high court in South Africa last week brought the reclassification of the Chinese people of South Africa into law and termed their race as black. The black term used in South Africa refers to Africans, Indians and other citizens who were discriminated against under the white apartheid rule.

Before the 1994 democratic election the Chinese people of the country fell into the category of Asians and along with the Africans and Indians had been subject to the apartheid divisions. After the 1994 election, the Chinese people were allowed more democracy and their status along with their black counterparts increased.

The Chinese arrived in South African long before the apartheid system was implemented and worked in gold mines. The government of that time did not encourage the Chinese immigrants to settle permanently in South Africa. The majority of the Chinese were sent back home and the few who remained behind experienced a veritable difficulty with culture, language under the racism laws. The Chinese at that time chose to live in isolated communities.

This reclassification is not the first time the Chinese people have been subjected to this change. In the late 1940s, apartheid became a new law, and they were classified as ‘colored people’ and denied the rights to education and business opportunities. The Chinese people did not have the right to live in white areas. During the 1970s, the current apartheid government established economic ties with Taiwan and the Chinese people were classified as “honorary whites.” This allowed the Chinese to start businesses and benefit under the apartheid government.

During the 1980s, the Chinese were exempted from various laws governing the African, Indian and other population groups. Segregated facilities were not enforced enabling a better quality of life. The Chinese South Africans were not granted the right to cast a vote in any elections.

With the democratic election during 1994, the Chinese immigrants remained in a gray area and were classified as white people. This status denied the Chinese the ability to benefit from post apartheid benefits.

It is estimated that approximately 300,000 Chinese live in South Africa today and the new reclassification to black will only affect the people living in the country before 1994. Since the post apartheid days, China has made significant investments in South Africa and the rise of Chinese people immigrating to the country. In all probability, this reclassification will only affect a small number of Chinese citizens.

During 2006, the Chinese Association of South Africa claimed its people were discriminated against and charged the government to implement a change to the law. The Chinese people were unable to obtain or qualify for business contracts and job promotions reserved for post apartheid victims. The Association argued its people had been treated unfairly under the apartheid practice and should be reclassified to correct the wrongs of the past.

The South African Employment Equity Regulation of 2014 sets numerical goals and targets for employers to use. The demographic profile is to regulate the different cultures and verify their significance of promotion to top positions. Blacks, Coloreds, and Asians are favored to achieve top posts in management as a way of boosting affirmative action.

Race reclassification in the Employment Structure by dividing the demographics into national and provincial basis not only undermines the Constitution of South Africa. It is a reminder for the apartheid victims of discrimination based on ethnicity and skin color.

Post apartheid has brought the Black economic empowerment (BEE) into the economic strategy of South Africa for the benefit of discriminated citizens of the past. This implementation is an attempt to decrease the racial gap between rich and poor. The BEE is not an affirmative action policy although the employment equity policy is a strong part of this structure. The BEE framework is intended to benefit the underprivileged and eliminate inequality of the people.

The government approach is to focus on historically disadvantaged people including black people, women, rural communities and the disabled. The policy strives to enable more black people to achieve a significant change in the racial composition of ownership and management structures. BEE is a procedure to promote accessible funds to black economic empowerment and give priority to government procurement.

The Chinese reclassification to black would now allow this group of people to have preference to government tenders and more business opportunities than during the apartheid rule. A democratic society would allow for the skill and expertise of any individual to achieve a high status irrespective of their color, creed or culture. Chinese citizens reclassified as black in South Africa is another strategic move that could achieve the opposite of democratic transformation.

 

[nicolewong]

China wants to make a Johannesburg suburb into the “New York of Africa”

By Lily Kuo
November 7, 2013

A Chinese property company has pledged to build South Africa a new financial hub. On Nov. 4, Shanghai Zendai unveiled plans to transform Modderfontein, a manufacturing district in eastern Johannesburg, into a multi-use financial center “on par with cities like New York… or Hong Kong,” said Zendai chairman Dai Zhikang. The firm said it will spend about $7.8 billion on the development over the next 15 years.

The development—which has yet to be named and will include some 35,000 houses, an education center, and a sports arena—marks a departure from past forms of Chinese investment in Africa, many of which have drawn criticism. Over the past decade, state-owned and private Chinese firms have been been building African roads, railways, ports and other infrastructure in exchange for access to minerals and oil—a relationship that’s led some to call China a “neocolonialist.” Chinese state oil firms now face resistance from their former partners in Niger, Chad, and Gabon.

As a result, Chinese leaders have been paying lip service to investment that brings more direct benefits to African countries in the form of jobs or support of non-resource related industries. It makes sense then that Zendai stressed what the financial center would bring to Africa’s largest economy: jobs for 100,000 people and a hub for Chinese investment in Sub-Saharan Africa. Zendai says 70% of housing in the complex will be reserved for black middle-class families.

Whether or not these benefits materialize, the financial center is evidence of shifting forms of Chinese investment, at least in South Africa. South Africa’s top exports to China are iron ore, steel and other metals and Chinese investment in South Africa tilts toward the extractive industry. Between 2007 and 2008, the six largest Chinese investments in the country were in the mining industry.

But that has started to change. Chinese telecom firms provide equipment to South Africa’s telecom industry. Beijing Automotive Works invested RS 196 million ($19 million) in a new taxi plant in the country last year. In August, a Chinese company bought a wine cellar and vineyards in South Africa, the first kind of such investment by any Asian firm. China’s state television also bought a stake in one of South Africa’s biggest newspaper chains. The idea of China’s state television network controlling part of South Africa’s media—may raise some concerns, but it’s only fair turnabout: South African media company Naspers owns nearly a third of high-flying Chinese Internet firm Tencent.

 

[nicolewong]

Over 1 million Chinese in South Africa today...

The Chinese in South Africa

By Yoon Park
January 4, 2012

While there is a long history of limited migration from China to Africa, the past decade has brought tens of thousands of Chinese to African cities, towns, and rural areas. These migrants are part of the growing political, economic, and sociocultural ties between China — now the world's second largest economy — and the poorest and most underdeveloped continent.

In a clever political move, China recently supported South Africa's candidacy to become the newest member of the international organization of rapidly emerging markets that make up BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), thus ensuring South African (and perhaps even African) support for China at the United Nations Security Council as well as other international bodies.

In terms of economic ties, trade figures between Africa and China are dazzling with respect to both their rapid rate of growth as well as their actual total, now estimated at more than $120 billion. Beijing is now Africa's largest trade partner, with Chinese investments fueling 49 countries and a wide range of sectors, including mining, finance, manufacturing, construction, and agriculture. Where many Western investors see risk, the Chinese see opportunity — an outlook that has led to phenomenal growth in the numbers of Chinese in Africa.

In 2009, the Chinese population in Africa was estimated at between 580,000 to 820,000. Today, that number is likely closer to (or even over) 1 million, although exact counts are virtually impossible to ascertain due to the mobility of Chinese migrants as well as highly porous borders within Africa, high levels of corruption within some African government agencies, and inefficiencies within agencies tasked with immigration and border control.

While most Chinese in Africa are there only temporarily — as contract laborers and professionals — there are a growing number of Chinese migrants choosing to remain in Africa to explore greater economic opportunities. Recent research in southern Africa indicates that, although many Chinese migrants plan to eventually return to China, many in South Africa and Lesotho have already stayed years beyond their original plans.

This article explores the various communities of Chinese currently residing in South Africa, their experiences in a highly stratified society, and their levels of political, social, and economic integration. In some ways, the experience of the Chinese in South Africa is unique to the country's particular social and historical context, but perhaps the South African case can prove instructive in terms of understanding what could be in store for new Chinese migrants in other countries in Africa.

Chinese Migrants in the Colonial Period

South Africa, as one of the most developed countries in Africa, is a popular destination for Chinese moving to the continent. According to some reports, well over half of all Chinese migrants heading to Africa end up at the southern tip of the continent. South Africa is also the only country in Africa with a significant population of Chinese South Africans (second-, third- and even fourth-generation South Africans of Chinese descent) and Taiwanese South Africans.

The first Chinese to head to South Africa included a small number (no more than 100 at a time) of convicts and company slaves of the Dutch East India Company who settled the cape in the mid- to late-17th century. These Chinese were eventually repatriated or gradually became part of South Africa's growing mixed-race population, later called “colored” during the segregation and apartheid periods of South Africa's history. Given their small numbers, they did not maintain a separate Chinese identity on the continent.

Chinese South Africans are commonly thought to be descended from Chinese mine workers, but this is not the case. While over 64,000 Chinese were imported to colonial South Africa between 1904 and 1910 as indentured laborers to work in the gold mines, virtually all were returned to China.

Thus, the ancestors of the Chinese South African community — about 10,000 strong today — are not descended from convicts, slaves, or indentured workers. Rather, they are distant relatives of independent migrants who began arriving in small numbers from Guangdong Province (then called Canton) as early as the 1870s and continuing through the mid-20th century.

Originally attracted by the discovery of diamonds and gold, these intrepid explorers, most of whom were young men, thought they would make their fortunes in Africa and return to China wealthy. Instead, they were greeted in South Africa by discrimination and racist legislation that prohibited them from attaining individual mining licenses. This is rather ironic, given that other Chinese were brought in, under strict guidelines, as indentured mineworkers specifically to work the gold mines during the first decade of the 20th century.

While independent Chinese continued to trickle in (and out) of South Africa for many decades, their numbers and their activities remained restricted. Gradually, a small number of Chinese women also entered South Africa as the brides of young male migrants. According to census data, in 1936 there were over 1,000 Chinese women in South Africa and 1,000 children born in South Africa of Chinese parents. Over the next decade, these numbers doubled.

However, large-scale immigration from China was prohibited by restrictions in the Transvaal Immigration Restriction Act of 1902 and the Cape Chinese Exclusion Act of 1904. Other laws denied citizenship, prohibited land ownership, and restricted trade for the Chinese. Incidentally, these laws were not unlike legislation in place in the United States and other Western nations at that time.

Chinese and Taiwanese Arrivals During and After Apartheid

While the period after World War II brought some relief from racist legislation and practices for Chinese immigrants in the United States, Canada, and Australia, the Chinese in South Africa were faced with a dual-pincer effect: in 1948 the South African National Party won the national elections and soon thereafter began to implement apartheid legislation, and in 1949 the Chinese Nationalists were defeated by the Chinese Communists and forced to flee Mainland China.

While there were a small number of Chinese permitted into South Africa between 1949 and 1953, the doors between the two countries were firmly closed by the Immigrants Regulation Amendment Act of 1953 in South Africa and the increasingly harsh legislation in China prohibiting emigration. Those trapped in South Africa faced racist apartheid laws.

The migration stream between China and South Africa was shut until the late 1970s, when increasingly close ties between the apartheid government and the Republic of China (Taiwan) led to the first new immigration of ethnic Chinese in almost three decades. A small but steady influx of Taiwanese flowed into South Africa, lured by generous South African government incentives for Taiwanese investors and their families, including relocation costs, subsidized wages for seven years, subsidized commercial rent for ten years, housing loans, cheap transport of goods to urban areas, and favorable exchange rates.

Almost all of the Taiwanese investors settled in rural parts of South Africa adjacent to former homeland areas, providing thousands of jobs in their textile and garment factories. Their arrival also served to slow black urbanization, one of the key goals of the South African government at that time. Increasing numbers of Taiwanese industrialists, and later small business owners and students that settled in the larger cities and towns, arrived in South Africa throughout the 1980s and 1990s. At the height of this migration there were close to 30,000 Taiwanese in South Africa.

In the late 1990s and into the 2000s, a large number of these immigrants, many of whom had acquired South African citizenship, left Africa. Their departure was hastened by South Africa's official recognition of the People's Republic of China, ongoing difficulties with South Africa's labor regulations, stiff competition from the entry of cheap imported goods from China, and increasing crime. Today, most reports indicate that there are but 6,000 Taiwanese in the country. Virtually all who remain are South African citizens and can comfortably be referred to as Taiwanese South Africans.

The last distinct group of Chinese in South Africa is from Mainland China. The earliest entrants came in with the Taiwanese as managers for the textile and garment factories in South Africa and neighboring Lesotho, valued for the lesser wages they demanded compared with Taiwanese managers. Others arrived as representatives of early Chinese trade and cultural forays on the continent, or as staff of private Chinese enterprises.

Though the first group of Mainland Chinese migrants were often individuals with professional qualifications, business or political connections, overseas experience, and perhaps even some capital, later waves have been much more numerous and generally less educated and professionally qualified. The vast majority of Mainland Chinese migrants arrived in South Africa in the last decade, and many are from Fujian province as well as other regions of China not typically described as sending regions.

The scale of the most recent waves of Chinese immigration is particularly difficult to ascertain, as increasing numbers of Chinese enter the country or remain in the country with false documents. Most publications indicate that there are now well over 350,000 Chinese in South Africa, while research conducted in 2010 indicates that there may be over 500,000. Irregular immigration, poor record keeping, and corruption within some South African government agencies contributes to lack of available data.

How Integrated Are the Chinese in South Africa?

Levels of integration of the Chinese in South Africa are difficult to ascertain because citizenship, language, and home and business ownership varies greatly depending on the subgroup of Chinese.

While there are three distinct groups of Chinese in South Africa — the Chinese South Africans (or “local” Chinese), the Taiwanese, and new Mainland Chinese migrants — in terms of integration, it is more useful to consider two groups roughly divided by time of entry, either pre- or post-2000. Those who were born in or migrated to South Africa prior to 2000 tend to be fairly well integrated, while most of those who arrived after the year 2000 are less so.

Most members of the first group are South African citizens or permanent residents and can be classified as settlers. Most speak English fluently, some speak Afrikaans, and others speak one or more of the local African languages. Some were born in South Africa, some grew up there, and all have lived in South Africa for at least a dozen years or longer. They own businesses and homes and have raised their children in South Africa. While most of them are married to other Chinese, some of their children (in small but increasing numbers) are marrying outside of the group. For most of them, South Africa is home, for better or for worse.

Members of the second group were born in China and typically view themselves as sojourners — temporary migrants with intentions of returning to China. They get their news from Chinese newspapers and watch Chinese television on satellite or DVDs. They continue to socialize primarily with other Chinese, call China often, and, if they can afford to, visit China regularly. If they have children, these children are often sent back to China to be raised by relatives.

The shares of Chinese that are “settlers” and “sojourners” are virtually impossible to ascertain, due not only to difficulties in data collection but also because these terms are highly subjective and fluid. Issues of citizenship, loyalties, and home are extremely personal and emotive. Additionally, there are sometimes differences within families in terms of levels of integration.

One particular Taiwanese South African businessman in the Free State, for example, has earned the respect of the local community and a local name, Thabo, because of his fluency in Sotho and the relationships he has built with the locals. However, his wife is not convinced about their future in South Africa, and even after more than a decade in the country speaks little English or Sotho. In the meantime, both of their South Africa-born children are growing up as multilingual South Africans, speaking Chinese, Sotho, Afrikaans, and English.

Length of time in the country is also not an exact indicator of greater integration. Older South Africans who were either born in South Africa or moved to the country as young men still feel like outsiders because of their experiences under apartheid. When interviewed about their sense of belonging, they said they wanted to retire and/or be buried in China once they die. On the other hand, a relatively recent Chinese migrant from Fujian Province claimed to be a dues-paying member of the African National Congress and has started his own local community-policing forum. While he is uncertain about whether or not he will remain in South Africa permanently, he is committed to being an engaged, active citizen in the broadest sense of the word.

Political Engagement as an Indicator of Integration

The political engagement of the Chinese as a whole might serve as a useful indicator of their level of integration into society. Since first arriving in the country, the Chinese have worked diligently but quietly, often behind the scenes, to become accepted as members of mainstream society in South Africa. However, there have also been a few examples of more active public engagement over the years.

The first example of political protest occurred as early as 1906. Large numbers of independent Chinese participated in passive resistance campaigns alongside Indian resisters, led by none other than Mahatma Gandhi, who opposed the new Transvaal Asiatic Registration Act requiring all “Asiatics” to submit their thumbprints and personal details for official registration. Participation in these protests meant arrest, imprisonment, and deportation for some, as well as the creation of a long-lasting divide within the community. In fact, after this instance of passive resistance, the Chinese in South Africa did not actively participate in South African politics again until the 1960s.

During the apartheid period, a series of draconian laws affected all nonwhite groups, including Chinese South Africans. Of all of the apartheid-era laws, the Group Areas Act of 1950 (revised in 1966) had the greatest impact on the Chinese because it threatened their livelihoods. Designed to force each separate race group to live and work within their own designated group area, the act was potentially disastrous for the small population of Chinese traders who had always made their living among other race groups.

In essence, the act threatened Chinese economic viability in two ways: while the creation of a distinctly Chinese group area would strip the Chinese of their diverse customer base, to not be assigned an area would render the Chinese legally displaced with no official place to live or work.

In the late 1960s, the Chinese around the country, under the loose coordination of the Central Chinese Association of South Africa, sent letters, memoranda, and other submissions advocating for the right to live among other races to anyone with influence. They also appeared before land tenure boards and, later, group areas boards. They argued that Chinese communities in South Africa were too small to warrant their own separate areas, and that they could not survive by trading amongst themselves.

The Chinese negotiated for differential treatment also on the basis of their general acceptance within white society; their record as a quiet, law-abiding community; and their high standard of living. Eventually, because of the high cost of creating separate Chinese districts in each town or city for such a small group, particularly as the Chinese were scattered across the country, the Chinese in South Africa won their case. Permitted to live and work in select areas provided that surrounding white communities did not protest to their presence, the Chinese created what were arguably apartheid's first mixed-race areas.

By 2004 — several decades after the apartheid-era victory — Chinese civic engagement reached a new level when it was announced that the newest members of parliament included four Taiwan-born South Africans. Interestingly, there was one Taiwanese South African for each of the major political parties represented: the African National Congress, the Democratic Alliance, the Inkatha Freedom Party, and the Independent Democrats. Such inclusivity in the political institutions of South Africa and the higher level engagement of Taiwanese in those institutions is regarded by some as evidence of both the increasing integration and acceptance of Taiwanese immigrants.

Toward the end of the first decade of the new millennium, the Chinese South African community presented a legal and political challenge to the government while simultaneously making history and claiming its rightful place in South African society. On this most recent occasion, confusion and contestation arose around the exclusion of the Chinese from the specific language of two pieces of post-apartheid affirmative action legislation — the Employment Equity Act (No. 55 of 1998) (EEA) and the Broad-based Black Economic Empowerment Act (No. 53 of 2003) (BBBEE).

After years of internal discussions and debates, meetings with government officials, presentations to parliament, and years of government indecision and inaction — all to seek clarification on their position vis-à-vis affirmative action legislation — the Chinese Association of South Africa (CASA) decided to press ahead with a court case. In December 2007, CASA launched a legal challenge against the South African government; specifically, the Minister of Labor, the Minister of Trade and Industry, and the Minister of Justice and Constitutional Development.

While there were both practical and material motivations for CASA's position, the symbolic nature of their claims were central to their argument: their exclusion from EEA and BBBEE legislation was symbolic of their continued exclusion within the nation of South Africa. In the words of the chairperson of the Chinese Association of South Africa (CASA):

"The [Chinese] community's struggle has not been about economic opportunism, but about [the] lack of recognition and clearing up of misconceptions of the historical injustices the South African Chinese faced."

In June 2008, the Pretoria High Court issued an order that Chinese South Africans actually fall within the definition of “black people” — the phrasing used in the legislation to indicate previous disadvantage — as pertains to the EEA and the BBBEE Act. While their court battle ended successfully, the media fallout was replete with scathing headlines: “What color are Chinese South Africans?”, “So, now the Chinese want to be black?”, and “Only in South Africa: Chinese are classified as black.”

The court order only applied to Chinese South Africans and other Taiwanese or Chinese immigrants who had become citizens prior to 1994 — likely fewer than 20,000 in all. However, the lack of clarity about “which Chinese” and “how many Chinese” was a major contributing factor to the subsequent media frenzy and public reaction. Few South Africans distinguish between Chinese South African and Taiwanese South African citizens or new Chinese migrants. In fact, most Africans across the continent tend to refer to anyone from East Asia (and, at times, elsewhere in Asia) as Chinese.

The strong negative public response dampened any sense of victory on the part of the Chinese South African community. It also provided further evidence of their marginal and tenuous position in South Africa, despite their efforts to integrate.

African Perceptions of Chinese in South Africa

In an effort to understand local perceptions of the Chinese in southern Africa, my research team administered approximately 300 questionnaires, 100 of which were implemented within the University of Johannesburg (UJ) community and the other 200 across Johannesburg and Soweto.

A preliminary review of the survey data indicates that South Africans generally have a well-rounded view of the Chinese. For example, close to half of the UJ respondents agreed that Chinese small business helps South Africa generally, but with some costs. For example, some stated that the Chinese help to create jobs, but often employees must endure long hours and low pay. Others explained that the Chinese assist in bringing in consumer goods but “kill” some local businesses.

The vast majority of the UJ survey respondents indicated that they saw the Chinese as hardworking (64 percent), disciplined (49 percent), and friendly (57 percent). A smaller number stated that the Chinese were business-minded (10 percent) and smart, wise, or intelligent (8 percent). An even smaller proportion of the respondents described the Chinese as unfriendly (4 percent); shady, “crooks & capitalists,” or “snakes” (3 percent); and arrogant (1 percent).

Qualitative interviews with South African leaders and decisionmakers also revealed that most middle aged and older black South Africans in many parts of the country recalled generally pleasant encounters with Chinese South African shopkeepers from their youth. Often the Chinese were described as kind people who engaged with the local community, learned at least a few words of the local language, and would provide credit for groceries and sundries.

Many younger white South Africans recalled the handful of Chinese South Africans with whom they went to school; these, too, were generally neutral or good memories. Given the generally neutral to positive relations with Chinese South Africans, it would appear that unless one had a bad personal experience with a Chinese person, the average South African was willing to give the benefit of the doubt. However, few were ever able to distinguish between a person from China, Taiwan, Japan, or Korea.

This is not to say that the Chinese are welcomed with open arms into general South African society, if such can even be said to exist. Even 17 years after the end of apartheid, South Africa continues to be extremely divided along lines of race, ethnicity, and class. The negative reaction to the initial announcement of CASA's victory in their affirmative action case against the South African government is one indication that most South Africans remain highly confused and conflicted about how the Chinese fit into South African society.

While outbursts of xenophobic violence in South Africa tend to target migrants from other African countries, our research indicates that Chinese and South Asian migrants seem to be inordinately targeted by criminals and corrupt officials. While robberies, car hijackings, and extortion may result from their overrepresentation in the retail trade, the practice of racial profiling is also a possible contributing factor. Our research has also found tensions between groups of Chinese, although these have shifted over time.

Tensions between Groups of Chinese

Tensions between various groups of Chinese have existed for as long as the Chinese have been in South Africa. Among the early ancestors of today's Chinese South Africans, there were two distinct ethnic/language groups: the Cantonese and the Hakka (or Moiyeanese), both from Guangdong Province. These two groups settled in different parts of South Africa and did not mingle until well into the apartheid period when their small numbers and apartheid laws essentially forced them to coexist.

The influx of a small number of unsavory immigrants who arrived with Taiwanese investors in the later part of the 20th century created further tension. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, South African newspapers were full of articles about Chinese involvement in illegal gill-net fishing; abalone, elephant tusk, and rhino horn smuggling; drug trafficking; and labor abuses. Because few South Africans drew any distinctions between the “foreign” or migrant Chinese perpetrators and the Chinese South Africans who prided themselves as quiet, law abiding, civilized, respectable South African citizens grew increasingly frustrated.

Interviews conducted at the time revealed a great deal of anger on the part of the Chinese South Africans. Some voiced their frustration that South African citizens were being lumped together with the bad migrant element, while others went so far as to say that they did not identify at all with the Taiwanese and that they had given the Chinese a bad name.

While there are still differences and minimal interaction between the Chinese South Africans and the Taiwanese, the rift seems to have lessened over time. Most recently, antagonism seems to have shifted from the Taiwanese to the Fujianese, who are now the main target of hostility.

The Chinese South Africans, the Taiwanese, and the more settled Chinese Mainlanders — in other words, the settler Chinese — are highly critical of the newest, sojourner migrants from Fujian Province, seeing them as lower in class, thug-like, uneducated, and at fault for the negative Chinese stereotypes (gang members, smugglers, robbers, etc.) that have reemerged in South Africa.

While South Africans might see one large, indistinguishable, and rapidly increasing body of Chinese in the country, it is clear that beneath the surface there are numerous threads and rifts that connect and divide the various communities of Chinese in South Africa. And occasionally, difficulties arise because most South Africans cannot and do not distinguish between those who are long-time residents and citizens of South Africa, and those who are temporary sojourners.

Conclusion

South Africa is home to various communities of Chinese people who arrived at different times and from different parts of China and Taiwan. But the differences among them do not stop there: they speak different languages, practice different religions, and have vastly different levels of integration into local and national society. There are tremendous gaps among Chinese immigrants in South Africa in the areas of education, income, and experience. Some are citizens and permanent residents, determined to settle and make contributions to South African society. Others remain sojourners, planning to eventually return to China.

The South African experience for the Chinese is arguably unique given the history of apartheid. However, this case can still be useful in understanding how new Chinese migrants might adapt in other African countries. National laws certainly have a huge impact on whether or not migrants will have access to certain rights or privileges, including citizenship; land, business and property ownership; trade; and education. Levels and types of political engagement are also, to some extent, determined by the state.

However, as indicated by the ambiguous results of Chinese South Africa affirmative action court case, social perceptions may ultimately determine the levels of acceptance of any ethnic minority or new migrant group. In the South African case, despite the protections afforded by citizenship, the constitution, and other laws, all Chinese continue to occupy a somewhat ambiguous, marginal, and in-between position in South African society.

 

[nicolewong]

High Commission of The Republic of Singapore - South Africa

Address:
980-982 Francis Baard Street (formerly Schoeman Street), Arcadia,
Pretoria 0083, South Africa

Postal Address:
P.O. Box 11809, Hatfield, Pretoria 0028, South Africa

Tel: (27-12-430 6035)

Fax: (27-12-342 4425)

Email: [email protected]

 

[winnipegjets]

High Commission of The Republic of Singapore - South Africa

Address:
980-982 Francis Baard Street (formerly Schoeman Street), Arcadia,
Pretoria 0083, South Africa

Postal Address:
P.O. Box 11809, Hatfield, Pretoria 0028, South Africa

Tel: (27-12-430 6035)

Fax: (27-12-342 4425)

Email: [email protected]

Costa Rica, Chile are better options than South Africa.

 

[nicolewong]

Mandarin Chinese interpreter (from Taiwan) in Cape Town, South Africa

Clive is a native Chinese who is currently residing in Cape Town, South Africa. As a Chinese translator and Mandarin interpreter, he coordinators our Chinese translation services in South Africa. Please see below for his resume.

Clive
Nationality: The People’s Republic of China (P.R.C.)
Gender: Male
Mother tongue: Mandarin Chinese

EDUCATION / QUALIFICATIONS

2011~Present Stellenbosch University Medical School
Ph.D. in Molecular Biology, currently enrolled as a Ph.D. Student

2009~2010 Stellenbosch University Medical School
M.Sc in Medical Science in Medical Biochemistry

2008 Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University (NMMU, formerly UPE)
B.Sc (Honours) degree in Biochemistry

2005~2007 Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University (NMMU, formerly UPE)
B.Sc in Biochemistry and Microbiology

2004 University of Port Elizabeth (UPE)
Certificate of University Advancement Programme

2003 University of Port Elizabeth (UPE)
Certificate of English Skill Programme

WORK EXPERIENCE AS TRANSLATOR AND INTERPRETER

2004.1~2008.12 Being free-lance Mandarin-English Interpreter for business meetings
in Port Elizabeth

2010.6~2010.7 2010 FIFA World Cup South Africa Local Organizing Committee
Language Support Volunteer Team Leader in Cape Town
Coordination of all Translators and Interpreters in the team for all
events during the FIFA World Cup in Cape Town; Provided
translation and interpretation for Chinese officials, media and
spectators.

2011.9~Present Hired as Translator, Interpreter and Regional Coordinator in Abacus
Translation in South Africa. Provide translation and interpretation
service to business meetings and cultural events locally in South
Africa.

2011.12 Worked as Mandarin-English Interpreter for business meetings held
by NOSMESA, a business consulting company in Cape Town.

ACHIEVEMENTS

 Top Ten Students in science in university advancement programme
 Best Student Award in Mathematics Special A in 2005;
 Membership in the Golden Key International Honour Society;
 Merck Biochemistry Award for Best Biochemistry Student at NMMU in 2007;
 Best PhD Poster Presentation Award in Research Open Day in the University of Western Cape in 2011

SKILLS

 Language Skills
- English and Mandarin (both fluent), be able to conduct written translation and oral interpretation efficiently

 Communications
- Able to do presentations, to write reports.
- Attended science seminars, national and international conferences; able to give formal presentations in both English and Mandarin fluently

 

[nicolewong]

Mandarin Chinese interpreter (from Taiwan) in Cape Town, South Africa

Yabin is a Chinese translator and Mandarin interpreter in Cape Town, South Africa. An excellent communicator, she specializes in medical related translations and interpretations. Please see below for her translation and interpretation related experiences.

Yabin's Experiences (Translation/Interpretation Related)

July 1994-Feb 2004 : (China)
Part-time Translator: Translate academic (medical) articles into English for publish purpose.
Part-time Liaison: Part-time working in special leukemia clinic named "Chinese Traditional Medicine Treatment in Leukemia" as an international liaison. Dealt international patients with consulting, diagnosis, treatment, and follow up via internet

Feb 2004- Sep 2009: (Port Elizabeth, South Africa)
As a Chinese teacher, taught Chinese for Port Elizabeth Government delegate to China for economics review

Part-time liaison, worked for Greenstar Company (cc), which is involved in trade with Chinese businessmen. Attended business meeting as a Chinese/English translator. Organized business trips for Guangdong International Trade Fair in China for MR Peterpan -the director of the company

As a liaison, assisted Chinese businessmen trade with South African businessmen such as importing goods, clearing customs etc.

As a Part-time translator (Chinese –English), worked in Netcare Greenacres Hospital in Port Elizabeth. Helped Chinese patients who could not understand English to access to Medical assistance, which included admissions to hospital and discharge etc.

Oct 2009 to Current: (Cape Town, South Africa)
Being Part-time translator (Chinese –English), currently working in Netcare Blouberg Hospital in Cape Town, helping Chinese patients who cannot understand English to access to Medical assistance.

Organized small tour group (2- 3 South Africans) to China and a 14 day trip to Beijing, Shanghai and Tianjin.

 

[nicolewong]

Mandarin Chinese interpreter (from Taiwan) in Cape Town, South Africa

Jeanne is an Information System undergraduate currently studying her first year in UCT. She was raised in South Africa, and is fluent in English and conversational Mandarin Chinese. She is a fast learner and a diligent worker.

Education

2011- present: Undergraduate Bachelor of Commerce in Information Systems, University of Cape Town.
2010: National Senior Certificate, Clarendon High School for Girls, East London.

Achievements

2010- Passed NSC with above 70%.
2009- Information technology award (Grade 11)Chinese translator in Cape Town

Work Experience

2011- Zevolis (Club/Pub) – Bartender (part-time)
• Experience to work under pressure and customer liaison.
2010- Koi Sports (Clothing shop) – Cashier (temporary December job)
• Experience with managing money and dealing with customers.

Skills

Languages: Fluent in English and Mandarin Chinese.
IT: Efficient computer user, currently studying use of Microsoft Excel, Microsoft Visual Studio, and Microsoft Expression Web.
Data gathering and analysis: studies provided ability to research efficiently and work with data.

 

[nicolewong]

Growing up Chinese in South Africa
Origins Centre

Freelance journalist and writer Ufrieda Ho will present a talk entitled ‘Finding a Home for a ‘Paper Son’’ at Origins Centre on Tuesday, April 19.

The talk is based on her newly released book, ‘Paper Sons and Daughters’, which recounts the life of her Chinese family and her upbringing within a minority group that in apartheid South Africa was too white for some, too black for others. ‘Paper son’ is the literal translation of the Chinese phrase used to refer to illegal immigrants who bought or borrowed identities from more established Chinese families to avoid detection by the authorities.

In July 2008 the Pretoria High Court ruled that the definition of black should be extended to Chinese South Africans in terms of economic empowerment and affirmative action legislation. The ruling bought into sharp focus the questions of belonging for a community that numbers around 10 000 and is still made to ask about its place in South Africa.

The rainbow-nation flag is frayed, says Ho, while racial pigeonholing and all too convenient stereotyping continue to pull us apart. So where to now? Ho uses her personal memoir to unpack this question. While her narrative is a story of one Chinese family, it’s also a tale of all migrants, everyone who traces a forebear from somewhere else, and faces the task of shaping an identity from the periphery of society.

Ufrieda Ho is the recipient of the inaugural Anthony Sampson Foundation award for journalism (2007) and contributes regularly as a journalist and sub-editor for various South African publications.

 

[nicolewong]

Encounter with Ufrieda Ho, author of ‘Paper sons and daughters. Growing up Chinese in South Africa’

In 2011, Ufrieda Ho, an award-winning journalist and writer, published a memoir about growing up as a Chinese in South Africa. In her book, “Paper sons and daughters”, she explores her family’s history and arrival in the country. In the 1950s, her father – Ho Sing Kee – left a devastated China, struck with poverty, devastation and flooding, seeking a new life and hopefully better opportunities elsewhere. During that time, many Chinese from Southern China – mostly Cantonese – were crossing entire oceans as stowaways, hoping to reach the golden mountains. Being only referred to as ‘Kum Saan’ in Cantonese, often they didn’t know where – between Australia, America or South Africa – they would eventually end up[1]. Ufrieda’s father was one of these Chinese who arrived in South Africa as illegal immigrants. In order to avoid detection by the authorities, they bought or borrowed new identities from more established Chinese families and became paper sons and daughters (i.e. the title of the book). In the context of apartheid, her father – as a second-class citizen – didn’t have access to the mainstream professional life reserved for whites nor could he live in these areas. To ensure a better life for his wife and fours children, he became a fahfee man, a gambler in the black townships.

Apart from telling her own story of coming of age in the 1970s and 80s, Ufrieda has given a voice to a generation of Chinese people (among the earlier arrivals) operating at the margins of the South African society. Her memoir joins a list of partly autobiographical novels written by local or long-established Chinese, namely Darryl Accone’s (2004) All under heaven, the story of his grandfather’s arrival in South Africa, as well as Emma Chen’s (2009) Emperor can wait, which details the experience of settling in SA from a Taiwanese perspective[2]. While all these books deal with identity, memory and belonging, Papers sons and daughters takes it even further.

By discussing fahfee this openly in her memoir, Ufrieda Ho has tackled a very sensitive topic. As part of the invisible economy, this illegal occupation has mostly been associated with stigma, shame and the poorest of the poor (“It’s an uneducated work, mostly carried out by men but also by women”). While surrounded by a code of silence, fahfee has nonetheless been a way of survival for many Chinese at that time. Throughout her book, Ufrieda not only seeks to acknowledge this reality but also contextualises this practice in the period of apartheid. In a broader sense, the story of her family reveals the nature of fahfee, the reasons why it took place and the sacrifices these people had to go through.

I got introduced to Ufrieda Ho in August 2012 at a conference in Johannesburg on China-Africa relations, organised by the Chinese in Africa/Africans in China research network. While chatting, I asked her more specific questions about cultural identity and the local Chinese’ current approach towards fahfee[3]. Ufrieda seemed to hesitate, saying that she could only speak from her own perspective and experience, not for all local Chinese. “There are so few of us that are vocal about the Chinese story and the circle, willing or trying to represent the South African Chinese version of it, is very small”.

Not knowing what to expect from her story about fahfee, a reality admittedly known at various degrees amongst local Chinese but not spoken of openly, she was anxious about how her own community would receive it. The reaction was very positive, not only in South Africa where several book launches were organized, but also abroad and even led to a second print in the US. “All of the sudden, people were able to find a voice with something they could really identify with, [...] because of fahfee, because of what Chinese did. We hid it so effectively that it looked like a burden of shame. The book unleashed a lot around that topic. All of the sudden, it became more acceptable to talk about fahfee. People got very personal, like having a mirror being held up to their lives”.

Inside the Chinese community, she never felt ashamed of her father’s occupation. As a child, it was difficult for her not being able to talk about it. “At school, you’re asked to fill in a form about your father’s occupation and you lie. That’s quite hard. You’re hiding from the police. It comes with a sense of… not shame, but exclusion. You know you’re not part of the bigger picture of society. I think that was very striking and the reaction [to the book] has shown me that this has clearly been a huge part of what people have been feeling”. Altogether, Ufrieda’s memoir is a story about belonging and finding out who you are in a complex and diverse South African society.

“… we would head back out to most of the banks we had been to earlier in the day. Now, though, everything was in darkness. I remember the dim, gloomy glow of the location lights high above the ramshackle township houses. We waited for runners in this orange haze of the lights, the Apollos, outside someone’s small home, or parked inside the range of some fluorescent lights outside a spaza shop that had electricity. My father switched on the car’s interior lights and we went through the routine once again as the township came to life with people who had returned home from the city. Betters congregated, waiting for my father to arrive – he was their hope for something extra for that night’s dinner table, or when they lost, it meant going without a new pair of shoes for longer than planned. I guess, though, he always represented hope, because gamblers are eternal optimists. On those days with my dad, I did not have to share him, neither with my mom nor my siblings. I saw how money was made in our family and I saw dad in this other role, not as husband and father, but navigating relationships with people who were not friends or colleagues and not even customers really. There was a competition and a game that made the fahfee man and the betters more like opponents. But they could not be too far apart either. They needed each other. Dad needed them to bet; the bigger the pool the greater the odds for him to make a profit. The betters needed dad as an opportunity, even in the form of a gamble, to add meat to that week’s menu. And fahfee needed apartheid, too. Fahfee needed two groups on the edges of society, separate but bound together, to connect momentarily in the collusion of circumventing the ways of the economic mainstream.

The end goal for both groups was to walk away with a few extra rand in their pockets even if it meant they were taking from each other. Theirs was a pact forged from their mutual conspiracy against the apartheid system. The ma-china and the poor black man of the townships were pushed towards the periphery; neither was part of what whirled in the tight inner circle: white wealth. There was infighting, too, as dad and his betters were drawn into the vortex of dispute – it was part of the game. Dad would stand his ground; the betters, with their heads leaned into the car window, would disagree with gesticulations or shaking their heads, also standing their ground. None was ready to back down. And then my father would just drive off, incensed and frustrated and maybe also adding a bit of dramatic effect. He would return for the evening round to fight again or be ready to give in, whichever move he decided to make in the hours he had to cool off and to refocus. Drama and dispute aside, there had to be a shared respect so both sides could take the steps to engage in fahfee’s dance of superstition, suspense and survival. It was what they did day in and day out. And fahfee also showed up the humanness of connection and the ordinariness of transaction, both parties understanding how harsh things were when you existed on the edges of opportunity.

I remember my father occasionally grabbed a few notes from the beer crate and gave them to the runner sitting nearby. ‘Go buy cooldrinks for everyone,’ he said. The runner disappeared with people shouting their orders and instructions after him and he turned his back, telling them to shush. We would be in the car emptying the purses and wallets when the runner arrived back. Dad would wave his hand telling him to keep the change. Then Cokes and Fantas in their cold glass bottles were passed around. Someone would produce an opener and that was also passed around. We all drank in the fizzy, sweet coldness like it was not a day of work after all. Dad was an outsider here, but he was also tied to this world of hardworking men and women. He understood what it took to make a bet, to gamble not for fun but for the hope of changing the day’s fortune. In the townships, I saw for the first time how the dusty streets turned the barefooted children’s feet a chalky grey, how houses were not lit with electric bulbs but with gas stoves and candles and that rough hand-painted numbers distinguished one house from another. There were no snoozing Mexican wall-hangings of the suburbs, no garden gnomes or dogs back from the parlour with ribbons in their hair”.

 

[nicolewong]

South Africa: Chinese embrace the union

NEWCASTLE, South Africa — When Karl Yan moved to South Africa last year to work at a Chinese factory, the last thing he imagined was that he would end up joining the local union.

Yan, a skinny, bespectacled 24-year-old from a small town near Shanghai, is a shop steward for South Africa's clothing and textile workers union. He recently attended a union conference in Cape Town where, as the only Chinese delegate, he stuck out like a sore thumb — but he was a big hit with his South African comrades, who posed with Yan for photos and taught him their liberation dances.

In China, all unions are controlled by the state and they do little to help workers. South Africa's unions, in contrast, are powerful forces that influence national politics and often disrupt production in factories.

These clashing work ethics meet in the industrial town of Newcastle, in northeastern South Africa, where there are scores of factories owned by Chinese and Taiwanese businesses. The South African union is now embroiled in tense negotiations with the factories because many don’t pay the legal minimum wage.

South Africa is China's biggest trading partner on the African continent. Trade between China and South Africa was worth $16 billion last year, skewed in China's favor, with South Africa posting a trade deficit of $2.7 billion. Chinese direct investment in South Africa is estimated at more than $6 billion, concentrated in the textile and clothing sectors as well as in the areas of mining, energy, machinery and building materials.

Across Africa, Chinese companies have often clashed with local communities over wages and working conditions. Some of the disputes have even become violent. At a mine in Zambia recently, protesting workers were shot at by two Chinese managers. It was far from the first incident of violence in Zambia, where Chinese employees have been assaulted by local workers, and vice versa.

In Newcastle, the Chinese company that Karl Yan works for, Sen Li Da Chemical Fiber, is trying an unusual approach: unlike most Chinese factories, it accepts the unions and is adapting itself to South Africa’s strong union culture.

Yan was encouraged by his bosses to join the union, as were the rest of the staff, including some 75 other Chinese employees and nearly 100 South African workers. The factory, which opened just last year, turns recycled plastic bottles into chemical fiber that is used to stuff pillows, duvets and toys.

Yan, who works in communications and translation, sees the union as a way of “working together” with local people. “Communication solves a lot of problems,” he said.

Frank Fang, the company’s office manager, decided to call in the union organizers after suffering conflicts with the South African workers, including work stoppages. He wanted the union to educate workers about their rights and the processes they must follow in disputes with their employers.

“We are willing to cooperate with local employees to create peaceful working conditions,” said Fang, who has lived in South Africa for 18 years and is now a citizen. The company’s owners are from China, where one of them owns a similar factory.

“If we get good working conditions, then both sides benefit, employee and employer,” Fang said. “This is a very poor area. The people need jobs.”

 

[winnipegjets]

How many PAP elites have PR in South Africa?

 

[nicolewong]

China, South Africa upgrade relations to "comprehensive strategic partnership"

BEIJING, Dec. 11 (Xinhua) -- China and South Africa announced a "comprehensive strategic partnership" on Tuesday during South African President Jacob Zuma's first state visit to China.

Chinese President Hu Jintao and Zuma signed the Beijing Declaration after their one-hour talk in the Great Hall of the People Tuesday afternoon, during which the two presidents praised the growth of bilateral ties and agreed to lift relations to new heights.

"In this new spirit of China-South Africa relations, we will work together to advance the bilateral comprehensive strategic partnership," Hu told Zuma.

Hu made specific proposals that the two countries maintain close contacts between leaders, utilize cooperative mechanism to further implement bilateral cooperation documents and strengthen exchanges between ruling parties and legislatures.

In the economic area, Hu hoped both sides would promote trade and investment growth, energy cooperation and optimize financial services.

China and South Africa need to work together in culture, education, media, health and tourism, Hu said, bolstering more academic and research cooperation.

On the multilateral front, the countries need to improve consultation and coordination to further South-to-South cooperation and tackle global challenges.

Further, China appreciates South Africa's important role in maintaining peace and stability on the continent and in promoting the development of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation, said Hu, adding that China supports South Africa's playing a larger role in international affairs.

Zuma said the bilateral relations had great potential as China is a major trading partner and investor in South Africa. He hoped both sides take advantage of establishing the comprehensive strategic partnership to promote cooperation in various fields.

Zuma also extended his sympathy to the Chinese people in those regions hit by flood and mudslide disasters.

Zuma, who is on his first state visit to China since taking office, was accompanied by a 300-strong business delegation, which was the largest to accompany him during his foreign state tours.

The business delegation participated in numerous achievements during this visit, with over a dozen cooperative documents signed at a business forum on Tuesday morning.

These cooperative documents, including a loan agreement on 240 million euros, involved projects in areas such as solar power, iron ore, finance, and telecommunications.

Addressing the forum, Zuma said South Africa welcomed China's investors, as China was one of the most important strategic partners for South Africa.

Bilateral trade volume in the first half of this year reached 10.81 billion U.S. dollars, up 56.1 percent year on year, according to officials.

"There is still great potential in bilateral trade," said Liu Youfa, an expert on African issues at the China Institute of International Studies.

Zuma planned this visit with a view to promoting domestic economic growth by expanding economic and trade cooperation with China, said Liu.

The China visit was the last leg of Zuma's tour of the BRIC countries -- Brazil, Russia, India and China. Experts said this showed South Africa's strong willingness to take advantage of new trade and investment opportunities in rapidly growing emerging markets.

Besides strengthening economic cooperation with China, Zuma's visit has reached its other important goal, to elevate its earlier "strategic partnership" with China to a higher level of "comprehensive strategic partnership".

According to the Beijing Declaration signed by the two presidents, the two countries expressed their desire to further strengthen and deepen exchanges and cooperation between the two nations in both political and regional affairs by establishing a comprehensive strategic partnership based on equality, mutual benefits and common development.

In the area of economics, the two sides agreed to improve the current structure of trade between the two countries, in particular by working towards more balanced trade profiles and encouraging trade in manufactured value-added products.

The Chinese and South African governments on Tuesday afternoon also signed another seven bilateral cooperation agreements covering visa procedures, mining, energy, environment and transport sectors.