Continuity is very important in the civil service and in good times is generally considered a virtue in politics. But the problem is that these are not good times. Singapore is facing challenges on many fronts that cry out for radical new ideas rather than technocratic continuity.
These challenges have arrived in a time of unprecedented political difficulties for the country’s ruling elite. In recent years its reputation has been tainted by
corruption and money-laundering scandals and an embarrassing attempt at leadership succession that began in 2016 and
collapsed spectacularly in 2021 when then-prime-minister-in-waiting Heng Swee Keat stepped aside.
At the same time, the government is struggling to tame an expanded and energised opposition in Parliament and an increasingly vocal civil society. It is indicative of the level of insecurity in Cabinet that its
primary response to criticism
since 2017 has been to
draft new laws that make it easier to
silence and intimidate independent voices. Meanwhile Cabinet leaves it to Parliament to initiate time-consuming
legal actions of dubious merit against members of the opposition.
It is unclear whether heavy-handed lawfare will really hurt the opposition at the next general election, which must be held before the end of 2025 and will likely be held sooner. But Wong knows he must do everything he can to secure a strong result for the People’s Action Party.
Not that he fears losing the election, but another swing against the government on top of the result in 2020 might put his position as prime minister in doubt. The 2020 result ended Deputy Prime Minister Heng Swee Keat’s hopes of taking on the role, despite his all-but-finalised succession having already been announced.
With the drawbridges drawn tight against external criticism, the real challenge for the first Wong Cabinet will be internal rivalry. It would be unfair to suggest that Wong has been set up to be a mere figurehead, but it is reasonable to think of him as a ‘
chairman of the board’ rather than a CEO.