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A Singaporean's guide to living in Thailand
- Thread starter Leongsam
- Start date
Facebook plans to sue Thai govt for being forced
to block page critical of monarchy
National
Aug 25. 2020
By THE NATION
Facebook is planning to take legal action against the government for forcing it to block a page deemed critical of the monarchy, CNN reported on Monday (August 24).
“After careful review, Facebook has determined that we are compelled to restrict access to content, which the Thai government has deemed to be illegal,” a Facebook spokesperson told CNN Business.
Facebook had been forced to block local access to the “Royalist Marketplace” page, which has one million members. News of the page, which features the Royal family, being blocked was first reported by Reuters.
According to Rishi Iyengar, CNN Business reporter, Facebook said it has been under pressure from the Thai government to restrict certain instances of political speech, with the government threatening to launch criminal proceedings against Facebook representatives in Thailand.
Facebook said it is now considering to legal action itself.
“Requests like this are severe, contravene international human rights law and have a chilling effect on people’s ability to express themselves,” the spokesperson said. “We work to protect and defend the rights of all internet users and are preparing to legally challenge this request.”
Meanwhile, Digital Economy and Society Minister Buddhipongse Punnakanta, who Facebook said it has been in discussions with, did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Under Thai law, defaming the King, Queen, heir-apparent or regent can result in a 15-year jail sentence. However, this law has increasingly been used as a political tool, as ordinary Thai citizens as well as the government can bring charges on behalf of the King. Despite that, thousands of protesters have taken to the streets in Bangkok in recent days demanding reform of the monarchy.
Royalist Marketplace was started on April 16 by Pavin Chachavalpongpun, an exiled Thai dissident based in Japan.
Pavin did not immediately respond to a request for comment from CNN, but told Reuters that Facebook was “cooperating with the authoritarian regime to obstruct democracy and cultivating authoritarianism in Thailand”.
to block page critical of monarchy
National
Aug 25. 2020
By THE NATION
Facebook is planning to take legal action against the government for forcing it to block a page deemed critical of the monarchy, CNN reported on Monday (August 24).
“After careful review, Facebook has determined that we are compelled to restrict access to content, which the Thai government has deemed to be illegal,” a Facebook spokesperson told CNN Business.
Facebook had been forced to block local access to the “Royalist Marketplace” page, which has one million members. News of the page, which features the Royal family, being blocked was first reported by Reuters.
According to Rishi Iyengar, CNN Business reporter, Facebook said it has been under pressure from the Thai government to restrict certain instances of political speech, with the government threatening to launch criminal proceedings against Facebook representatives in Thailand.
Facebook said it is now considering to legal action itself.
“Requests like this are severe, contravene international human rights law and have a chilling effect on people’s ability to express themselves,” the spokesperson said. “We work to protect and defend the rights of all internet users and are preparing to legally challenge this request.”
Meanwhile, Digital Economy and Society Minister Buddhipongse Punnakanta, who Facebook said it has been in discussions with, did not immediately respond to a request for comment.
Under Thai law, defaming the King, Queen, heir-apparent or regent can result in a 15-year jail sentence. However, this law has increasingly been used as a political tool, as ordinary Thai citizens as well as the government can bring charges on behalf of the King. Despite that, thousands of protesters have taken to the streets in Bangkok in recent days demanding reform of the monarchy.
Royalist Marketplace was started on April 16 by Pavin Chachavalpongpun, an exiled Thai dissident based in Japan.
Pavin did not immediately respond to a request for comment from CNN, but told Reuters that Facebook was “cooperating with the authoritarian regime to obstruct democracy and cultivating authoritarianism in Thailand”.
https://asia.nikkei.com/Business/Tr...=1&pub_date=20200825190000&seq_num=7&si=44594
Five things to know about Thai Airways' rehabilitation
Troubled carrier faces bumpy road, even if court approves process next month
Thai Airways planes sitting idle at Suvarnabhumi Airport in Bangkok. A bankruptcy court will decide whether to give the green light to the carrier's rehabilitation process next month. © Reuters
MASAYUKI YUDA, Nikkei staff writerAugust 25, 2020 10:11 JSTUpdated on August 25, 2020 18:28 JST
BANGKOK -- Thai Airways International will have to endure a massive overhaul of its business and management for years to come in a rehabilitation process under the court's supervision, after the COVID-19 pandemic sent the national carrier into deeper debt.
The final day of initial hearings at the Central Bankruptcy Court took place on Tuesday. The airline's board members and its consulting partner EY Corporate Advisory Services will attend court as witnesses, facing lawyers representing creditors.
The court said it had gained enough information from witnesses to give a verdict, according to local media, but it will allow seven days for parties to file an objection. If there is no objection, the court will decide on Sept. 14 whether to give the green light to the cash-strapped carrier's rehabilitation strategy. This will be formulated by nominated planners, who include the board members and the consultancy.
Why did Thai Airways enter rehabilitation?
The airline has been in financial trouble even before coronavirus struck. Thai Airways recorded net losses for seven of the past 10 years. This was in large part due to unprofessional management involving ex-Royal Thai Air Force officers, strident unions and an inefficiently employed fleet.
The novel coronavirus pandemic dealt a final blow to the airline. The Civil Aviation Authority of Thailand implemented a landing ban on all international flights from April to July, effectively grounding Thai Airways.
The ban was eventually lifted, but travel restrictions into the country meant that the tourism industry continued to suffer. The airline recorded a net loss of 28 billion baht ($900 million) for the first half of 2020. The loss had ballooned 4.4-fold from a year ago.
The court's decision on Tuesday will pave the way for the carrier to officially start drawing up its own rehabilitation plan.
The plan is expected to be submitted to creditors and the court for approval next year. It needs the endorsement of holders of 50% of the airline's debt at least. Rehabilitation administrators will be able to begin restructuring in May or June 2021, if the process goes smoothly. The airline will be given five years to rehabilitate with an option to extend by two years.
What should the rehabilitation plan include?
The plan should include a thorough review of its fleet and routes on their profitability.
Some industry observers have characterized Thai Airways' fleet as objects in a museum. The mish mash collection of Boeing 747-400s, Airbus A330s, Boeing 787-9s and Airbus A380s reflects inefficiencies that Thai Airways has not been able to iron out. Different models have different engines and specifications, forcing the airline to train its engineers for each configuration, inflating maintenance costs.
Some planes are outdated and gas-hungry. On Aug. 13, aviation consultancy Cirium pointed out that airlines tend toward using newer aircraft during this early phase of reopening borders. With fewer passengers expected, Thai Airways should shift to use newer and more efficient planes.
Under former president Sumeth Damrongchaitham, the airline did have a plan for fleet renewal, which would have required a massive financial outlay. The plan was scrapped as the company's worsening financial condition led to Sumeth's resignation.
Plane purchases also allegedly became a source of corruption in the past for some Thai Airways staff. Some employees became unusually rich from a procurement deal involving 10 Airbus A340s, according to an investigation team from the Transport Ministry. Such behavior must be rooted out during the rehabilitation process.
Check-in counters for Thai Airways at Suvarnabhumi Airport in Bangkok are empty in this April 30 photo. The coronavirus pandemic dealt a final blow to the long-troubled airline. © Reuters
Thai Airways must also consider ending loss-making routes. The aviation industry expects a faster recovery in domestic flights over international ones as many countries still have travel restrictions in place. This could be a problem for Thai Airways as it mainly operates international routes.
Will the airline be able to carry out its rehabilitation plan without hindrance?
Thai Airways was operated as a bureaucratic state enterprise presided over by officials who prioritized power-grabbing over tackling structural problems and improving profitability. The new board must not behave in this way.
Management was inconsistent as president and board members, especially those who tried to streamline the company, often came and went for political reasons. Piyasvasti Amranand was the clearest victim of all. Despite helping the airline narrow its deficit in 2009 when he was the company's president, directors suddenly voted him out in June 2012, in what was seen as a politically motivated ballot.
Unprofessional board members, assigned from the Royal Thai Air Force, often complicated problems. Unions, on the other hand, were seen as overpowerful and under the protection of the state. "At times, senior captains were getting paid more than the president of the company," a former board member told the Nikkei Asian Review.
The Ministry of Finance divested a portion of its Thai Airways shareholding in May, so that it was no longer a state enterprise. The move terminated worker privileges, including the right to form a union. This will allow the rehabilitation plan to include bigger layoffs and wage cuts.
The loss of state enterprise status led to a recall of more than 50% of Thai Airways' check-in counters and aircraft stands at Suvarnabhumi Airport by the Airports of Thailand. "The carrier is treated just like any other commercial airline," said Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Kreangam. Opening the airline to competition should pressure it to rehabilitate.
Will Thai Airways be able to raise funds through its rehabilitation?
Filing a petition for rehabilitation gave Thai Airways an automatic stay for its debt repayments. This saved the airline from an imminent risk of going bust. Yet, it still needs to raise money for rehabilitation.
The company's shareholders' equity turned negative, at minus 18.1 billion baht, as of June. While its total liabilities ballooned to 332.1 billion baht, a 36.7% increase from the end of 2019, its cash and cash equivalents fell by 35.5% to 13.9 billion baht.
Piyasvasti, who now serves as an independent director said on Aug. 17 that the airline is estimated to need about 60 billion baht of working capital a year during the rehabilitation process. Local media reported that Thai Airways will have to pay the pensions of more than 1,600 employees -- as state enterprise workers -- which is worth 5.4 billion baht over the next 13 years.
Several financial institutions have shown their willingness to extend financial support, according to Piyasvasti. It could also raise money through issuing new shares, but the government must not participate, as increasing its holdings to over 50% will revive the airline's state enterprise status.
Will the global environment be conducive for its rehabilitation?
A quick recovery from the pandemic-induced travel disruption is unlikely. The International Air Transportation Association, or IATA, said global air traffic will not return to pre-pandemic levels until 2024.
It expects the number of global passengers to decline by 55% this year from 2019. "Passenger traffic hit bottom in April, but the strength of the upturn has been very weak," said IATA CEO and Director-general Alexandre de Juniac.
The Tourism Authority of Thailand said revenue from international visitors in 2021, under its base-case scenario, could shrink to 618 billion baht, or about 32% of the 1.9 trillion baht recorded in 2019. The revenue falls to 298 billion baht in its worst-case scenario.
Five things to know about Thai Airways' rehabilitation
Troubled carrier faces bumpy road, even if court approves process next month
Thai Airways planes sitting idle at Suvarnabhumi Airport in Bangkok. A bankruptcy court will decide whether to give the green light to the carrier's rehabilitation process next month. © Reuters
MASAYUKI YUDA, Nikkei staff writerAugust 25, 2020 10:11 JSTUpdated on August 25, 2020 18:28 JST
BANGKOK -- Thai Airways International will have to endure a massive overhaul of its business and management for years to come in a rehabilitation process under the court's supervision, after the COVID-19 pandemic sent the national carrier into deeper debt.
The final day of initial hearings at the Central Bankruptcy Court took place on Tuesday. The airline's board members and its consulting partner EY Corporate Advisory Services will attend court as witnesses, facing lawyers representing creditors.
The court said it had gained enough information from witnesses to give a verdict, according to local media, but it will allow seven days for parties to file an objection. If there is no objection, the court will decide on Sept. 14 whether to give the green light to the cash-strapped carrier's rehabilitation strategy. This will be formulated by nominated planners, who include the board members and the consultancy.
Why did Thai Airways enter rehabilitation?
The airline has been in financial trouble even before coronavirus struck. Thai Airways recorded net losses for seven of the past 10 years. This was in large part due to unprofessional management involving ex-Royal Thai Air Force officers, strident unions and an inefficiently employed fleet.
The novel coronavirus pandemic dealt a final blow to the airline. The Civil Aviation Authority of Thailand implemented a landing ban on all international flights from April to July, effectively grounding Thai Airways.
The ban was eventually lifted, but travel restrictions into the country meant that the tourism industry continued to suffer. The airline recorded a net loss of 28 billion baht ($900 million) for the first half of 2020. The loss had ballooned 4.4-fold from a year ago.
The court's decision on Tuesday will pave the way for the carrier to officially start drawing up its own rehabilitation plan.
The plan is expected to be submitted to creditors and the court for approval next year. It needs the endorsement of holders of 50% of the airline's debt at least. Rehabilitation administrators will be able to begin restructuring in May or June 2021, if the process goes smoothly. The airline will be given five years to rehabilitate with an option to extend by two years.
What should the rehabilitation plan include?
The plan should include a thorough review of its fleet and routes on their profitability.
Some industry observers have characterized Thai Airways' fleet as objects in a museum. The mish mash collection of Boeing 747-400s, Airbus A330s, Boeing 787-9s and Airbus A380s reflects inefficiencies that Thai Airways has not been able to iron out. Different models have different engines and specifications, forcing the airline to train its engineers for each configuration, inflating maintenance costs.
Some planes are outdated and gas-hungry. On Aug. 13, aviation consultancy Cirium pointed out that airlines tend toward using newer aircraft during this early phase of reopening borders. With fewer passengers expected, Thai Airways should shift to use newer and more efficient planes.
Under former president Sumeth Damrongchaitham, the airline did have a plan for fleet renewal, which would have required a massive financial outlay. The plan was scrapped as the company's worsening financial condition led to Sumeth's resignation.
Plane purchases also allegedly became a source of corruption in the past for some Thai Airways staff. Some employees became unusually rich from a procurement deal involving 10 Airbus A340s, according to an investigation team from the Transport Ministry. Such behavior must be rooted out during the rehabilitation process.
Check-in counters for Thai Airways at Suvarnabhumi Airport in Bangkok are empty in this April 30 photo. The coronavirus pandemic dealt a final blow to the long-troubled airline. © Reuters
Thai Airways must also consider ending loss-making routes. The aviation industry expects a faster recovery in domestic flights over international ones as many countries still have travel restrictions in place. This could be a problem for Thai Airways as it mainly operates international routes.
Will the airline be able to carry out its rehabilitation plan without hindrance?
Thai Airways was operated as a bureaucratic state enterprise presided over by officials who prioritized power-grabbing over tackling structural problems and improving profitability. The new board must not behave in this way.
Management was inconsistent as president and board members, especially those who tried to streamline the company, often came and went for political reasons. Piyasvasti Amranand was the clearest victim of all. Despite helping the airline narrow its deficit in 2009 when he was the company's president, directors suddenly voted him out in June 2012, in what was seen as a politically motivated ballot.
Unprofessional board members, assigned from the Royal Thai Air Force, often complicated problems. Unions, on the other hand, were seen as overpowerful and under the protection of the state. "At times, senior captains were getting paid more than the president of the company," a former board member told the Nikkei Asian Review.
The Ministry of Finance divested a portion of its Thai Airways shareholding in May, so that it was no longer a state enterprise. The move terminated worker privileges, including the right to form a union. This will allow the rehabilitation plan to include bigger layoffs and wage cuts.
The loss of state enterprise status led to a recall of more than 50% of Thai Airways' check-in counters and aircraft stands at Suvarnabhumi Airport by the Airports of Thailand. "The carrier is treated just like any other commercial airline," said Deputy Prime Minister Wissanu Kreangam. Opening the airline to competition should pressure it to rehabilitate.
Will Thai Airways be able to raise funds through its rehabilitation?
Filing a petition for rehabilitation gave Thai Airways an automatic stay for its debt repayments. This saved the airline from an imminent risk of going bust. Yet, it still needs to raise money for rehabilitation.
The company's shareholders' equity turned negative, at minus 18.1 billion baht, as of June. While its total liabilities ballooned to 332.1 billion baht, a 36.7% increase from the end of 2019, its cash and cash equivalents fell by 35.5% to 13.9 billion baht.
Piyasvasti, who now serves as an independent director said on Aug. 17 that the airline is estimated to need about 60 billion baht of working capital a year during the rehabilitation process. Local media reported that Thai Airways will have to pay the pensions of more than 1,600 employees -- as state enterprise workers -- which is worth 5.4 billion baht over the next 13 years.
Several financial institutions have shown their willingness to extend financial support, according to Piyasvasti. It could also raise money through issuing new shares, but the government must not participate, as increasing its holdings to over 50% will revive the airline's state enterprise status.
Will the global environment be conducive for its rehabilitation?
A quick recovery from the pandemic-induced travel disruption is unlikely. The International Air Transportation Association, or IATA, said global air traffic will not return to pre-pandemic levels until 2024.
It expects the number of global passengers to decline by 55% this year from 2019. "Passenger traffic hit bottom in April, but the strength of the upturn has been very weak," said IATA CEO and Director-general Alexandre de Juniac.
The Tourism Authority of Thailand said revenue from international visitors in 2021, under its base-case scenario, could shrink to 618 billion baht, or about 32% of the 1.9 trillion baht recorded in 2019. The revenue falls to 298 billion baht in its worst-case scenario.
Thai protest boycotts force businesses to pick sides
A pro-democracy protester holding up the three-fingered salute that symbolises defiance, during a rally in Bangkok on Aug 23, 2020.PHOTO: AFP
BANGKOK (REUTERS) - The owner of Burger King's franchise in Thailand became the latest company on Wednesday (Aug 26) to bow to boycott calls by protesters who accused it of advertising on a television network they brand pro-government.
The protesters seek the departure of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha, a former junta leader, and new elections. Some have also called for reforms of the powerful monarchy of King Maha Vajiralongkorn, long a taboo subject.
Supporters of the student-led protests that have run for more than a month launched an online campaign to urge patrons to shun the franchise, Minor International Pcl, and other businesses that had advertised on Nation Multimedia Group.
A spokesman for Minor Food Group said it was pulling advertisements.
"The company accepts the views of its customers and will consider the use of appropriate media, with immediate effect," the group said in a statement to Reuters.
Nation Multimedia Group's chairman, Shine Bunnag, told Reuters the boycott was "social bullying from a group of keyboard thugs".
It has highlighted the emerging political challenge for companies from a protest movement that has grown from Thai campuses with strong support on social media, particularly among young people.
In another sign of a company making clear it was not siding with the Thai government, Facebook said on Wednesday it would launch a legal challenge to a demand that it block access to a group that often mocks the monarchy.
"The political division in society is permeating to businesses... putting companies in a very tight spot," said Ben Kiatkwankul of Maverick Consulting Group, which advises companies on reputation and government affairs.
"It is almost impossible to please everyone," he told Reuters.
There are parallels with Hong Kong, where businesses seen as antagonistic to the democracy movement were boycotted by its supporters in favour of 'yellow' companies that back the movement in contrast to 'blue' businesses deemed pro-government.
Related Story
Thousands protest against Thai government as pressure rises
Related Story
Thai activists challenge police to arrest them over protests
Related Story
6 things to know about Thailand's anti-government protests
The biggest of dozens of street protests across Thailand to date drew more than 10,000 people in Bangkok on Aug 16, but social media shows broader support, with some protest hashtags used or shared by millions of accounts.
HASHTAG BAN
The Thai-language hashtag #bannationsponsors began trending late last week after a reporter from Nation, widely seen as conservative, failed to identify herself when interviewing protesters at a rally.
Nation, which also runs an English-language website, said it had reprimanded the reporter, though Shine, its chairman, said she had been scared by "the mob".
"We are not the government's voice. We are media that stand with the people. Our principles here are clear: nation, religion, monarchy. Emphasise, monarchy," he said by telephone.
Shine said Nation's ratings rose as much as 20 per cent during the incident over the reporter, with some companies having increased their advertisement buys, while the withdrawals had no impact.
"Social bullying is dirty and undemocratic," he said. "We will not be scared".
Student protester Tanawat Wongchai said the boycott aimed to ensure Nation was neutral. One of his tweets with the boycott hashtag was retweeted more than 1,000 times.
"If we want the media to change and improve, we have to pressure those sponsors," he told Reuters.
Besides running more than 100 Burger King outlets, Minor Food is the domestic franchise owner of Swensen's and Coffee Club. It also has its own brand, the Pizza Company.
Related Story
Pro-democracy Milk Tea Alliance brews in Asia with movements in Thailand, Hong Kong and Taiwan
Related Story
Thailand's dilemma: Silence students or allow monarchy criticism
Its shares fell 0.45 per cent on Wednesday, compared to a 0.44 per cent rise in the benchmark index.
Burger King's global owner is Restaurant Brands International Inc.
Food delivery service Foodpanda, a unit of Delivery Hero SE, said after being targeted last week that it would stop advertising on Nation television and "improve marketing practices".
Thailand's Yanhee Vitamin Water also said it would stop ads on the outlet and valued its customers' opinion.
A pro-democracy protester holding up the three-fingered salute that symbolises defiance, during a rally in Bangkok on Aug 23, 2020.PHOTO: AFP
BANGKOK (REUTERS) - The owner of Burger King's franchise in Thailand became the latest company on Wednesday (Aug 26) to bow to boycott calls by protesters who accused it of advertising on a television network they brand pro-government.
The protesters seek the departure of Prime Minister Prayut Chan-ocha, a former junta leader, and new elections. Some have also called for reforms of the powerful monarchy of King Maha Vajiralongkorn, long a taboo subject.
Supporters of the student-led protests that have run for more than a month launched an online campaign to urge patrons to shun the franchise, Minor International Pcl, and other businesses that had advertised on Nation Multimedia Group.
A spokesman for Minor Food Group said it was pulling advertisements.
"The company accepts the views of its customers and will consider the use of appropriate media, with immediate effect," the group said in a statement to Reuters.
Nation Multimedia Group's chairman, Shine Bunnag, told Reuters the boycott was "social bullying from a group of keyboard thugs".
It has highlighted the emerging political challenge for companies from a protest movement that has grown from Thai campuses with strong support on social media, particularly among young people.
In another sign of a company making clear it was not siding with the Thai government, Facebook said on Wednesday it would launch a legal challenge to a demand that it block access to a group that often mocks the monarchy.
"The political division in society is permeating to businesses... putting companies in a very tight spot," said Ben Kiatkwankul of Maverick Consulting Group, which advises companies on reputation and government affairs.
"It is almost impossible to please everyone," he told Reuters.
There are parallels with Hong Kong, where businesses seen as antagonistic to the democracy movement were boycotted by its supporters in favour of 'yellow' companies that back the movement in contrast to 'blue' businesses deemed pro-government.
Related Story
Thousands protest against Thai government as pressure rises
Related Story
Thai activists challenge police to arrest them over protests
Related Story
6 things to know about Thailand's anti-government protests
The biggest of dozens of street protests across Thailand to date drew more than 10,000 people in Bangkok on Aug 16, but social media shows broader support, with some protest hashtags used or shared by millions of accounts.
HASHTAG BAN
The Thai-language hashtag #bannationsponsors began trending late last week after a reporter from Nation, widely seen as conservative, failed to identify herself when interviewing protesters at a rally.
Nation, which also runs an English-language website, said it had reprimanded the reporter, though Shine, its chairman, said she had been scared by "the mob".
"We are not the government's voice. We are media that stand with the people. Our principles here are clear: nation, religion, monarchy. Emphasise, monarchy," he said by telephone.
Shine said Nation's ratings rose as much as 20 per cent during the incident over the reporter, with some companies having increased their advertisement buys, while the withdrawals had no impact.
"Social bullying is dirty and undemocratic," he said. "We will not be scared".
Student protester Tanawat Wongchai said the boycott aimed to ensure Nation was neutral. One of his tweets with the boycott hashtag was retweeted more than 1,000 times.
"If we want the media to change and improve, we have to pressure those sponsors," he told Reuters.
Besides running more than 100 Burger King outlets, Minor Food is the domestic franchise owner of Swensen's and Coffee Club. It also has its own brand, the Pizza Company.
Related Story
Pro-democracy Milk Tea Alliance brews in Asia with movements in Thailand, Hong Kong and Taiwan
Related Story
Thailand's dilemma: Silence students or allow monarchy criticism
Its shares fell 0.45 per cent on Wednesday, compared to a 0.44 per cent rise in the benchmark index.
Burger King's global owner is Restaurant Brands International Inc.
Food delivery service Foodpanda, a unit of Delivery Hero SE, said after being targeted last week that it would stop advertising on Nation television and "improve marketing practices".
Thailand's Yanhee Vitamin Water also said it would stop ads on the outlet and valued its customers' opinion.
Singapore and Thailand agree to speed up talks on
essential business travel through reciprocal green lane
AFP
SINGAPORE - Singapore and Thailand have agreed to speed up discussions on setting up a reciprocal green lane for essential business travel between them, said Singapore's Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Wednesday (Aug 26).
The two Asean nations also had productive talks on strengthening the resilience of supply chains and connectivity networks during the meeting done via video-conferencing, added the ministry in its statement.
Held on Wednesday, the discussion during the Singapore-Thailand Political Consultations was co-chaired by the permanent secretaries of their foreign ministries: Mr Chee Wee Kiong of Singapore and Mr Busaya Mathelin of Thailand.
The Singapore ministry said both sides "agreed to expedite ongoing discussions to facilitate essential business travel through a reciprocal green lane arrangement, with the necessary public health safeguards, between the two countries".
The arrangement allows travel for essential business and official purposes between the two countries. Those eligible will have to abide by such measures as taking Covid-19 swab tests and submitting their itineraries.
The bilateral talks also emphasised the importance of intensifying cooperation with Asean's partners through the promotion of research and development on vaccines and medicines, said the Singapore ministry.
In addition, they support Asean's efforts to "fight the pandemic, keep our economies open and connected, and establish a framework to deal with future public health emergencies", it added.
The statement further said that both sides shared timely information and experiences on combating Covid-19, and mutually contributed medical supplies, equipment and Covid-19 diagnostic test kits.
They also reviewed the progress in bilateral cooperation in various areas, including trade and investment, defence, finance, education and people-to-people ties between them.
Singapore is also considering reciprocal green lane arrangements with other regional countries, such as Indonesia and Japan.
Last month, Singapore agreed to implement such an arrangement with Malaysia to facilitate short-term essential business and official travel between them for up to 14 days.
https://www.straitstimes.com/singap...ks-on-essential-business-travel-through-green
essential business travel through reciprocal green lane
AFP
SINGAPORE - Singapore and Thailand have agreed to speed up discussions on setting up a reciprocal green lane for essential business travel between them, said Singapore's Ministry of Foreign Affairs on Wednesday (Aug 26).
The two Asean nations also had productive talks on strengthening the resilience of supply chains and connectivity networks during the meeting done via video-conferencing, added the ministry in its statement.
Held on Wednesday, the discussion during the Singapore-Thailand Political Consultations was co-chaired by the permanent secretaries of their foreign ministries: Mr Chee Wee Kiong of Singapore and Mr Busaya Mathelin of Thailand.
The Singapore ministry said both sides "agreed to expedite ongoing discussions to facilitate essential business travel through a reciprocal green lane arrangement, with the necessary public health safeguards, between the two countries".
The arrangement allows travel for essential business and official purposes between the two countries. Those eligible will have to abide by such measures as taking Covid-19 swab tests and submitting their itineraries.
The bilateral talks also emphasised the importance of intensifying cooperation with Asean's partners through the promotion of research and development on vaccines and medicines, said the Singapore ministry.
In addition, they support Asean's efforts to "fight the pandemic, keep our economies open and connected, and establish a framework to deal with future public health emergencies", it added.
The statement further said that both sides shared timely information and experiences on combating Covid-19, and mutually contributed medical supplies, equipment and Covid-19 diagnostic test kits.
They also reviewed the progress in bilateral cooperation in various areas, including trade and investment, defence, finance, education and people-to-people ties between them.
Singapore is also considering reciprocal green lane arrangements with other regional countries, such as Indonesia and Japan.
Last month, Singapore agreed to implement such an arrangement with Malaysia to facilitate short-term essential business and official travel between them for up to 14 days.
https://www.straitstimes.com/singap...ks-on-essential-business-travel-through-green
PM in talks to reopen country for foreign tourists
Aug 27. 2020
Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha
By The Nation
Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha said on Wednesday he was in talks with state agencies on how to open the country to foreign tourists after the Covid-19 situation improves.
Being discussed are the timing for reopening and which provinces will be the first to open for foreign tourists.
The first phase may only see a small number of tourists allowed into the country and their areas of possible travel limited, he added.
The Thai Hotel Association (THA) recently urged the government to reopen the country to foreigners, as hotels struggle with near-zero occupancy rates and some small operators are forced to close.
THA chairwoman Marisa Sukosol Nunbhakdi said the government should focus on specific countries or cities and come up with promotions to bring back tourists.
Meanwhile, Commerce Minister Jurin Laksanawisit said Thailand is focusing on online trade and boosting border trade.
The ministry's public-private committee will meet next week to seeks ways to boost exports and border trade volume.
Aug 27. 2020
Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha
By The Nation
Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha said on Wednesday he was in talks with state agencies on how to open the country to foreign tourists after the Covid-19 situation improves.
Being discussed are the timing for reopening and which provinces will be the first to open for foreign tourists.
The first phase may only see a small number of tourists allowed into the country and their areas of possible travel limited, he added.
The Thai Hotel Association (THA) recently urged the government to reopen the country to foreigners, as hotels struggle with near-zero occupancy rates and some small operators are forced to close.
THA chairwoman Marisa Sukosol Nunbhakdi said the government should focus on specific countries or cities and come up with promotions to bring back tourists.
Meanwhile, Commerce Minister Jurin Laksanawisit said Thailand is focusing on online trade and boosting border trade.
The ministry's public-private committee will meet next week to seeks ways to boost exports and border trade volume.
Found a new gem in northern Bangkok in Thammasat university (northern campus)
An Indian food stall in the campus cafeteria
Looks like any Indian food stall in Singapore or Malaysia
All dishes freshly cooked
Sitting
Biryani meal
Chicken biryani
Fried tandor chicken
Very nice masala tea
All the above costs only $6.20
An Indian food stall in the campus cafeteria
Looks like any Indian food stall in Singapore or Malaysia
All dishes freshly cooked
Sitting
Biryani meal
Chicken biryani
Fried tandor chicken
Very nice masala tea
All the above costs only $6.20
THIS TAIWANESE COFFEE CHAIN CHARGES 50 BAHT FOR AMERICANO
Pravit Rojanaphruk, Senior Staff Writer
-August 28, 2020 4:06 pm
https://www.khaosodenglish.com/life/food/2020/08/28/this-taiwanese-coffee-chain-charges-50-baht-for-americano/
Baristas at Louisa Coffee.
BANGKOK — Due to the coronavirus-induced economic crunch, it may be time to spend less on coffee – and here’s one place where you get what you pay for.
Bangkokians used to major American chains like Starbucks are in luck with Taiwanese chain Louisa Coffee. Its quality is neck and neck with other chains, but pricewise the shop is unbeatable. Its small (or regular) cup of hot Americano is just 50 baht.
Here, a medium cup of drip coffee (350 cc) from six select imported Arabica beans starts at 90 baht.
I visited its main branch on the second floor of Amarin Plaza and tried Yirgacheffe G1 Natural from Ethiopia, which costs 100 baht.
Americano (50 baht) and chocolate muffin (80 baht).
Grown at the altitude of 1,950 to 2,300 meters above the sea level it claims to carry flavors such as lychee, blueberry and pineapple. I managed to conjure only pineapple and a sweet taste.
Still, it’s satisfying enough, especially since I chatted with barista Nueng over the counter as he heated and ground the beans and let me sniff its fresh aroma. Nueng told me the temperature of the water for drip coffee is at 88 degrees here although at some other cafes it could go higher but usually no more than 95 degrees or below the boiling point.
The 50-baht cup of Americano was nothing spectacular, but decent blended Arabica beans were used here and far more aromatic than Thai chains which sell cups at a similar price point.
Drip coffee (100 baht).
“The sales have dropped by 30 to 40 percent since coronavirus spread,” Thunwarat Piriyakitsakul, 25, a barista and manager trainee at the main branch. “I think the café market has saturated.”
Many cafes in Thailand have not survived coronavirus impacts, which is still ongoing with more layoffs expected and virtually all foreign tourists still kept outside the kingdom.
But Louisa Coffee is a survivor, at least for now. Still, there are no special discounts at this Thai-Taiwanese joint venture but they are focusing on reliable products and a café “experience” at an affordable price.
Louisa’s pastries are all outsourced except its tiramisu. I would recommend its carrot cake, which is rich and as good for its price at slightly over a hundred baht. Avoid the flabby and disappointing chocolate muffin (80 baht).
Unless you’re an early bird who can snag one of the two electrical outlets at the main long shared table, don’t even think about charging your phone or laptop here.
Louisa was founded in Taipei in 2006 and has over 400 branches in Taiwan, but only has three branches in Bangkok. The branch at Amarin Plaza still serves those in need of a quick caffeine fix at a fair price, nevertheless.
This is not a Starbucks knockoff but a cheaper version or Starbucks-inspired café, and not a bad option for those wanting to save a few baht.
Louisa Coffee main branch is located on the second floor of Amarin Plaza, walkable from BTS Chit Lom and is open every day from 7.30am to 8pm. This review is unsponsored. Call 02-163-4575 for more details.
Pravit Rojanaphruk, Senior Staff Writer
-August 28, 2020 4:06 pm
https://www.khaosodenglish.com/life/food/2020/08/28/this-taiwanese-coffee-chain-charges-50-baht-for-americano/
Baristas at Louisa Coffee.
BANGKOK — Due to the coronavirus-induced economic crunch, it may be time to spend less on coffee – and here’s one place where you get what you pay for.
Bangkokians used to major American chains like Starbucks are in luck with Taiwanese chain Louisa Coffee. Its quality is neck and neck with other chains, but pricewise the shop is unbeatable. Its small (or regular) cup of hot Americano is just 50 baht.
Here, a medium cup of drip coffee (350 cc) from six select imported Arabica beans starts at 90 baht.
I visited its main branch on the second floor of Amarin Plaza and tried Yirgacheffe G1 Natural from Ethiopia, which costs 100 baht.
Americano (50 baht) and chocolate muffin (80 baht).
Grown at the altitude of 1,950 to 2,300 meters above the sea level it claims to carry flavors such as lychee, blueberry and pineapple. I managed to conjure only pineapple and a sweet taste.
Still, it’s satisfying enough, especially since I chatted with barista Nueng over the counter as he heated and ground the beans and let me sniff its fresh aroma. Nueng told me the temperature of the water for drip coffee is at 88 degrees here although at some other cafes it could go higher but usually no more than 95 degrees or below the boiling point.
The 50-baht cup of Americano was nothing spectacular, but decent blended Arabica beans were used here and far more aromatic than Thai chains which sell cups at a similar price point.
Drip coffee (100 baht).
“The sales have dropped by 30 to 40 percent since coronavirus spread,” Thunwarat Piriyakitsakul, 25, a barista and manager trainee at the main branch. “I think the café market has saturated.”
Many cafes in Thailand have not survived coronavirus impacts, which is still ongoing with more layoffs expected and virtually all foreign tourists still kept outside the kingdom.
But Louisa Coffee is a survivor, at least for now. Still, there are no special discounts at this Thai-Taiwanese joint venture but they are focusing on reliable products and a café “experience” at an affordable price.
Louisa’s pastries are all outsourced except its tiramisu. I would recommend its carrot cake, which is rich and as good for its price at slightly over a hundred baht. Avoid the flabby and disappointing chocolate muffin (80 baht).
Unless you’re an early bird who can snag one of the two electrical outlets at the main long shared table, don’t even think about charging your phone or laptop here.
Louisa was founded in Taipei in 2006 and has over 400 branches in Taiwan, but only has three branches in Bangkok. The branch at Amarin Plaza still serves those in need of a quick caffeine fix at a fair price, nevertheless.
This is not a Starbucks knockoff but a cheaper version or Starbucks-inspired café, and not a bad option for those wanting to save a few baht.
Louisa Coffee main branch is located on the second floor of Amarin Plaza, walkable from BTS Chit Lom and is open every day from 7.30am to 8pm. This review is unsponsored. Call 02-163-4575 for more details.
https://asia.nikkei.com/Politics/Tu...1&pub_date=20200828190000&seq_num=10&si=44594
Rise of Thai king's guard erodes Prayuth's sway over army
Military reshuffle comes as prime minister faces anti-government youth protests
Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha attends a photo session with new cabinet ministers at the Government House in Bangkok on Aug. 13 © Reuters
MARWAAN MACAN-MARKAR, Asia regional correspondentAugust 28, 2020 13:14 JST
BANGKOK -- Trusted military allies of Thailand's monarch have moved to extend their reach into the armed forces, the country's most powerful political institution, alienating Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha from a pillar he needs to prop up his government.
This jockeying for influence played out during the behind-the-scenes lobbying to finalize the promotion of commanders of the army, air force and navy by September, according to well-placed political sources and military insiders.
The annual reshuffle of flag officers takes on added political significance this year, since it comes as Prayuth, a former army chief himself, faces growing youth-led anti-government protests, the likes of which have not been witnessed since the ex-general grabbed power in a 2014 coup.
According to military insiders, Gen. Apirat Kongsompong, the hawkish army chief and palace favorite, lobbied for Gen. Narongphan Jitkaewthae, the assistant army chief, to succeed him in September as the new commander of the army, which has 335,000 active-duty troops.
Narongphan, the sources add, is trusted by King Maha Vajiralongkorn, who began placing a stronger personal stamp on the military soon after his accession following his father's death in October 2016. Narongphan is due to hold the army commander's post till 2023, a three-year spell expected to further consolidate the realignment of palace-military ties.
In a country where demonstrations of loyalty to the monarchy are prized, both Apirat and Narongphan wear theirs around their neck -- special shirts with a red rim around the collar. The shirts show they have passed special training for soldiers in the elite Royal Command Guard, also known as Royal Guard 904, which answers only to the king.
The two generals also belong to the King's Guard, a Bangkok-based military faction with a rich army pedigree. The monarch himself served in the ranks of the Wongthewan, as the King's Guard is called in Thai, during military service in the 1970s while he was crown prince.
Prayuth had favored Gen. Natthapon Nakpanich, the deputy army chief, to be Apirat's successor. But the prime minister was unable to make headway against the choice of the monarch, who wields ultimate authority in this Southeast Asian kingdom, and of Apirat.
"Apirat doesn't like Natthapon. ... there is some bad blood between the two going back to competition as they rose through the ranks," said a military intelligence insider. "And he is close to the king and wanted to carry out the king's request."
Prayuth's bonds with Natthapon deepened after he was picked to serve on a government committee to contain the coronavirus pandemic.
"Prayuth wanted a dependable ally as the next army chief to deal with the rising political tension sparked by the protests," added the insider. "Narongphan does not have close ties with Prayuth, just a professional relationship. It is more likely he will listen to the king than to the prime minister."
A similar turn has shaped promotions in the air force, an increasing source of palace loyalists in the wake of former Air Chief Marshall Sathitpong Sukwimol serving as the influential private secretary to the king. Political insiders say that a U.S.-trained officer, Air Chief Marshall Airbull Suttiwan, has been eyed to command the air force, leapfrogging senior figures vying for the top post.
"This year's reshuffle shows how much say the king had in the promotions," said one insider. "Airbull has the king's backing."
Seasoned military analysts say that Prayuth will be on unfamiliar ground after the changing of the guard in September. Together with Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwan and Interior Minister Anupong Paochinda -- both former army chiefs themselves -- Prayuth formed a powerful troika that staged the 2014 putsch to overthrow an elected government. They enjoyed unbroken rule, first in a junta and then as a military-leaning government after the controversial 2019 general election.
But while the trio of ex-generals had a firm grip on the government and the defense ministry, still packed with their allies, questions emerged over support they could command from the military since the 2016 reshuffle.
"The subtle schism between Prayuth-Prawit-Anupong on one side and the post-2016 army leadership on the other has increasingly intensified, especially with the ascension of the Wongthewan to senior army postings in 2018 and beyond," said Paul Chambers, an expert on Thai national security at Naresuan University in northern Thailand. "Especially since 2018, Prayuth has not been able to be assured of military backing."
Even among the colonels -- often deployed to lead troops in coups, of which Thailand has had 13 successful military interventions since absolute monarchy ended in 1932 -- there is growing discontent with the "saam paw," a reference within the ranks to the Prayuth-Prawit-Anupong troika.
The trio has been accused of "using the military to stay in power, especially in terms of relying on soldiers to bolster Palang Pracharath in power," said Chambers, referring to the new political party formed ahead of last year's election to serve as a vehicle for Prayuth and his military allies to rule the country. "Prawit has relied on military carrots and sticks to cajole coalition parties and Palang Pracharath factions to follow Prayuth's lead."
Other observers say military operations in Bangkok -- pivotal to launching or crushing coups -- are beyond Prayuth's control. A new military blueprint unveiled by the king has realigned troops in the capital under the Royal Guard 904, whose numbers have swelled to a well-trained force of 7,000 and are expected to double in the months ahead. Roped into such exclusive royal service are units from the 11th Infantry Regiment, the 4th Cavalry Battalion and the 1st Infantry Regiment, which has been in the vanguard of past coups.
But this redeployment -- which appears to rule out the prospect of the previous style of coups -- has not stopped rumors of another putsch. Bangkok-based diplomats heard talk of a possible coup attempt on the eve of the anti-government protests led by students in the capital's historic quarter on Aug. 16 -- a rally that drew over 20,000, the largest public outpouring of rage since the 2014 coup.
"The rumor was about Apirat being unhappy with the way the government was handling things regards the protests and was planning to step in to address it," an Asian diplomat confided.
A military intelligence source expects the rumor mill to churn through September, when youth leaders are planning a larger protest in the middle of the month.
"A coup will happen only if there is a confrontation during the protests and people try to kill each other," he said. "There are tense days ahead for the transition from Apirat to Narongphan."
Rise of Thai king's guard erodes Prayuth's sway over army
Military reshuffle comes as prime minister faces anti-government youth protests
Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha attends a photo session with new cabinet ministers at the Government House in Bangkok on Aug. 13 © Reuters
MARWAAN MACAN-MARKAR, Asia regional correspondentAugust 28, 2020 13:14 JST
BANGKOK -- Trusted military allies of Thailand's monarch have moved to extend their reach into the armed forces, the country's most powerful political institution, alienating Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha from a pillar he needs to prop up his government.
This jockeying for influence played out during the behind-the-scenes lobbying to finalize the promotion of commanders of the army, air force and navy by September, according to well-placed political sources and military insiders.
The annual reshuffle of flag officers takes on added political significance this year, since it comes as Prayuth, a former army chief himself, faces growing youth-led anti-government protests, the likes of which have not been witnessed since the ex-general grabbed power in a 2014 coup.
According to military insiders, Gen. Apirat Kongsompong, the hawkish army chief and palace favorite, lobbied for Gen. Narongphan Jitkaewthae, the assistant army chief, to succeed him in September as the new commander of the army, which has 335,000 active-duty troops.
Narongphan, the sources add, is trusted by King Maha Vajiralongkorn, who began placing a stronger personal stamp on the military soon after his accession following his father's death in October 2016. Narongphan is due to hold the army commander's post till 2023, a three-year spell expected to further consolidate the realignment of palace-military ties.
In a country where demonstrations of loyalty to the monarchy are prized, both Apirat and Narongphan wear theirs around their neck -- special shirts with a red rim around the collar. The shirts show they have passed special training for soldiers in the elite Royal Command Guard, also known as Royal Guard 904, which answers only to the king.
The two generals also belong to the King's Guard, a Bangkok-based military faction with a rich army pedigree. The monarch himself served in the ranks of the Wongthewan, as the King's Guard is called in Thai, during military service in the 1970s while he was crown prince.
Prayuth had favored Gen. Natthapon Nakpanich, the deputy army chief, to be Apirat's successor. But the prime minister was unable to make headway against the choice of the monarch, who wields ultimate authority in this Southeast Asian kingdom, and of Apirat.
"Apirat doesn't like Natthapon. ... there is some bad blood between the two going back to competition as they rose through the ranks," said a military intelligence insider. "And he is close to the king and wanted to carry out the king's request."
Prayuth's bonds with Natthapon deepened after he was picked to serve on a government committee to contain the coronavirus pandemic.
"Prayuth wanted a dependable ally as the next army chief to deal with the rising political tension sparked by the protests," added the insider. "Narongphan does not have close ties with Prayuth, just a professional relationship. It is more likely he will listen to the king than to the prime minister."
A similar turn has shaped promotions in the air force, an increasing source of palace loyalists in the wake of former Air Chief Marshall Sathitpong Sukwimol serving as the influential private secretary to the king. Political insiders say that a U.S.-trained officer, Air Chief Marshall Airbull Suttiwan, has been eyed to command the air force, leapfrogging senior figures vying for the top post.
"This year's reshuffle shows how much say the king had in the promotions," said one insider. "Airbull has the king's backing."
Seasoned military analysts say that Prayuth will be on unfamiliar ground after the changing of the guard in September. Together with Deputy Prime Minister Prawit Wongsuwan and Interior Minister Anupong Paochinda -- both former army chiefs themselves -- Prayuth formed a powerful troika that staged the 2014 putsch to overthrow an elected government. They enjoyed unbroken rule, first in a junta and then as a military-leaning government after the controversial 2019 general election.
But while the trio of ex-generals had a firm grip on the government and the defense ministry, still packed with their allies, questions emerged over support they could command from the military since the 2016 reshuffle.
"The subtle schism between Prayuth-Prawit-Anupong on one side and the post-2016 army leadership on the other has increasingly intensified, especially with the ascension of the Wongthewan to senior army postings in 2018 and beyond," said Paul Chambers, an expert on Thai national security at Naresuan University in northern Thailand. "Especially since 2018, Prayuth has not been able to be assured of military backing."
Even among the colonels -- often deployed to lead troops in coups, of which Thailand has had 13 successful military interventions since absolute monarchy ended in 1932 -- there is growing discontent with the "saam paw," a reference within the ranks to the Prayuth-Prawit-Anupong troika.
The trio has been accused of "using the military to stay in power, especially in terms of relying on soldiers to bolster Palang Pracharath in power," said Chambers, referring to the new political party formed ahead of last year's election to serve as a vehicle for Prayuth and his military allies to rule the country. "Prawit has relied on military carrots and sticks to cajole coalition parties and Palang Pracharath factions to follow Prayuth's lead."
Other observers say military operations in Bangkok -- pivotal to launching or crushing coups -- are beyond Prayuth's control. A new military blueprint unveiled by the king has realigned troops in the capital under the Royal Guard 904, whose numbers have swelled to a well-trained force of 7,000 and are expected to double in the months ahead. Roped into such exclusive royal service are units from the 11th Infantry Regiment, the 4th Cavalry Battalion and the 1st Infantry Regiment, which has been in the vanguard of past coups.
But this redeployment -- which appears to rule out the prospect of the previous style of coups -- has not stopped rumors of another putsch. Bangkok-based diplomats heard talk of a possible coup attempt on the eve of the anti-government protests led by students in the capital's historic quarter on Aug. 16 -- a rally that drew over 20,000, the largest public outpouring of rage since the 2014 coup.
"The rumor was about Apirat being unhappy with the way the government was handling things regards the protests and was planning to step in to address it," an Asian diplomat confided.
A military intelligence source expects the rumor mill to churn through September, when youth leaders are planning a larger protest in the middle of the month.
"A coup will happen only if there is a confrontation during the protests and people try to kill each other," he said. "There are tense days ahead for the transition from Apirat to Narongphan."
Thailand plans to reopen tourism for long-stay visitors
from Europe to spend winter months
Thailand's devastated tourism and hospitality industry is struggling to survive after five months without foreign visitors.PHOTO: REUTERS
BANGKOK (BLOOMBERG) - Thailand is finalising a plan that would make it possible for retired, sun-seeking Europeans to spend the upcoming winter months in the country, in an effort to save its ailing tourism industry.
Although the Asian nation's borders have been closed to most foreigners since late March to fight the coronavirus pandemic, the government is now planning to grant visas to foreigners who want to stay in Thailand for up to nine months, said Mr Boon Vanasin, chairman of Thonburi Healthcare Group, the nation's third-largest private hospital firm, which runs hospitals and retirement homes.
These long-term visitors will begin their stay with a mandatory 14-day quarantine and several virus tests in the tourist hot spot of Phuket.
After three weeks on the island and negative test results, they'd be free to travel to other Thai regions, according to Mr Boon, who said he has direct knowledge of the government's plan and expects the arrivals to begin before winter.
While the government has approved the plan in principle, it's still finalising measures to reduce the risk of virus infections, government spokesman Traisulee Traisoranakul said.
The opening-up is a lifeline to Thailand's devastated tourism and hospitality industry, which is struggling to survive after five months without foreign visitors.
Although Thailand has been one of the world's most successful countries in curbing Covid-19 - it's not had a locally transmitted case for three months - its tourism-reliant economy has been one of the worst-hit globally, projected to shrink by a record of 8.5 per cent this year.
On Saturday, the country reported one imported coronavirus infection diagnosed in a patient in state quarantine. The total case count is now 3,411, with 111 still hospitalised and fatalities at 58.
The move comes as economies dependent on tourism - from Bali in Indonesia, to Hawaii in the United States - grapple with the pandemic, which has brought global travel to a virtual halt.
Reopening to tourists has led to the resurgence of infection in some places like the Caribbean island of Aruba, and governments are fearful of striking the wrong balance between public health and economic help.
Thailand's new plan will make it possible for millions of seniors from European countries like Germany and Sweden, who usually spend their winter months in warmer Mediterranean countries, to consider the Asian nation instead, as it is safe from infection risk, said Mr Boon.
He said that his company has fielded queries from European retirement communities that could amount to 50,000 seniors making the journey to Thailand for the coming winter.
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He plans to partner with hotels to provide quarantine facilities and long-term accommodation for senior citizens and other long-stay visitors, who could arrive via chartered flights before winter begins.
Thai Airways International said it would operate at least two such flights a month starting late November to connect Phuket with countries like Denmark, Germany and Britain.
"Many seniors don't want to spend their time in a cold harsh winter. They want tropical weather," said Mr Boon.
Around 90 per cent of Thonburi's customers before the pandemic were international.
But it's unclear if the government intends to let so many foreigners in.
On Thursday (Aug 27), Thailand's deputy army chief said that the country was mulling plans to reopen to long-stay visitors and foreigners who own local property, but this would amount to only "hundreds" of people.
The economy is in desperate need of a boost.
Before the pandemic, European tourists would vacation in Phuket and the surrounding areas for between two weeks and two months, said Mr Bhummikitti Ruktaengam, president of the Phuket Tourist Association.
More than 6.7 million Europeans visited Thailand in 2019 and contributed 461 billion baht (S$20.1 billion) to the Thai economy, according to the government data.
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Thailand to extend state of emergency amid fears of second coronavirus wave
They made up about 17 per cent of total foreign visitors and 24 per cent of total foreign spending.
"Phuket's economy needs foreign demand to bounce back but we also have to balance infection risks and the economy," said Mr Bhummikitti.
The Thai government has been trying to promote domestic tourism with a campaign to foot 40 per cent of travellers' hotel bills, but local spending alone can't compensate for a loss of foreigners.
In Phuket, foreign visitors accounted for two-thirds of overall tourists but contributed to 90 per cent of its tourism receipts.
"We'll allow a small number of foreign visitors into the country first to test our system," Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha said on Wednesday.
"We have to do something so that the situation doesn't get worse with businesses closing down and people losing jobs."
from Europe to spend winter months
Thailand's devastated tourism and hospitality industry is struggling to survive after five months without foreign visitors.PHOTO: REUTERS
BANGKOK (BLOOMBERG) - Thailand is finalising a plan that would make it possible for retired, sun-seeking Europeans to spend the upcoming winter months in the country, in an effort to save its ailing tourism industry.
Although the Asian nation's borders have been closed to most foreigners since late March to fight the coronavirus pandemic, the government is now planning to grant visas to foreigners who want to stay in Thailand for up to nine months, said Mr Boon Vanasin, chairman of Thonburi Healthcare Group, the nation's third-largest private hospital firm, which runs hospitals and retirement homes.
These long-term visitors will begin their stay with a mandatory 14-day quarantine and several virus tests in the tourist hot spot of Phuket.
After three weeks on the island and negative test results, they'd be free to travel to other Thai regions, according to Mr Boon, who said he has direct knowledge of the government's plan and expects the arrivals to begin before winter.
While the government has approved the plan in principle, it's still finalising measures to reduce the risk of virus infections, government spokesman Traisulee Traisoranakul said.
The opening-up is a lifeline to Thailand's devastated tourism and hospitality industry, which is struggling to survive after five months without foreign visitors.
Although Thailand has been one of the world's most successful countries in curbing Covid-19 - it's not had a locally transmitted case for three months - its tourism-reliant economy has been one of the worst-hit globally, projected to shrink by a record of 8.5 per cent this year.
On Saturday, the country reported one imported coronavirus infection diagnosed in a patient in state quarantine. The total case count is now 3,411, with 111 still hospitalised and fatalities at 58.
The move comes as economies dependent on tourism - from Bali in Indonesia, to Hawaii in the United States - grapple with the pandemic, which has brought global travel to a virtual halt.
Reopening to tourists has led to the resurgence of infection in some places like the Caribbean island of Aruba, and governments are fearful of striking the wrong balance between public health and economic help.
Thailand's new plan will make it possible for millions of seniors from European countries like Germany and Sweden, who usually spend their winter months in warmer Mediterranean countries, to consider the Asian nation instead, as it is safe from infection risk, said Mr Boon.
He said that his company has fielded queries from European retirement communities that could amount to 50,000 seniors making the journey to Thailand for the coming winter.
Related Story
Thai Cabinet approves more measures to spur domestic tourism
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Thailand seeks safe way of reopening borders to boost economy hit by Covid-19
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Related Story
Coronavirus microsite: Get latest updates, videos and graphics
He plans to partner with hotels to provide quarantine facilities and long-term accommodation for senior citizens and other long-stay visitors, who could arrive via chartered flights before winter begins.
Thai Airways International said it would operate at least two such flights a month starting late November to connect Phuket with countries like Denmark, Germany and Britain.
"Many seniors don't want to spend their time in a cold harsh winter. They want tropical weather," said Mr Boon.
Around 90 per cent of Thonburi's customers before the pandemic were international.
But it's unclear if the government intends to let so many foreigners in.
On Thursday (Aug 27), Thailand's deputy army chief said that the country was mulling plans to reopen to long-stay visitors and foreigners who own local property, but this would amount to only "hundreds" of people.
The economy is in desperate need of a boost.
Before the pandemic, European tourists would vacation in Phuket and the surrounding areas for between two weeks and two months, said Mr Bhummikitti Ruktaengam, president of the Phuket Tourist Association.
More than 6.7 million Europeans visited Thailand in 2019 and contributed 461 billion baht (S$20.1 billion) to the Thai economy, according to the government data.
Related Story
Thailand to offer $1 billion in loans to pandemic-hit airlines
Related Story
Thailand to extend state of emergency amid fears of second coronavirus wave
They made up about 17 per cent of total foreign visitors and 24 per cent of total foreign spending.
"Phuket's economy needs foreign demand to bounce back but we also have to balance infection risks and the economy," said Mr Bhummikitti.
The Thai government has been trying to promote domestic tourism with a campaign to foot 40 per cent of travellers' hotel bills, but local spending alone can't compensate for a loss of foreigners.
In Phuket, foreign visitors accounted for two-thirds of overall tourists but contributed to 90 per cent of its tourism receipts.
"We'll allow a small number of foreign visitors into the country first to test our system," Prime Minister Prayut Chan-o-cha said on Wednesday.
"We have to do something so that the situation doesn't get worse with businesses closing down and people losing jobs."
https://www.smh.com.au/national/the-miseducation-of-king-rama-x-20200824-p55otc.html
The miseducation of King Rama X
By Michael Ruffles
August 30, 2020
Thailand's King Maha Vajiralongkorn in 2018. He spent six years as a young crown prince in Australia, studying first at the King’s School in Parramatta before four years at the Royal Military College Duntroon and time with a regiment in Perth.Credit:AP
When Qantas flight 736 touched down in Sydney just before 8am on Saturday, September 5, 1970, a shy young man was on board. He was carefully guarded, with a king’s most trusted aide on the flight plus a security detail, and his best friend along for the ride. No visa or entry permit was needed as the only son of Thailand’s king was waved through immigration; a diplomatic passport was packed in case it came in handy.
After being greeted at the airport by a group of Thai students, the 18-year-old was escorted to the Wentworth Hotel to get down to the business at hand. Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn Mahidol had to get ready for school.
Nearly 50 years later he is King Rama X, a controversial figure who has been the subject of the strongest protests against Thailand's throne in decades, arguably since the end of the absolute monarchy in 1932. In nearly four years since his father’s death, Vajiralongkorn has shown himself to be much more overtly interventionist in politics, consolidated army units under his direct command and converted a sovereign wealth fund into a personal fortune.
Vajiralongkorn spent six years in Australia, studying first at the King’s School in Parramatta before four years at the Royal Military College, Duntroon and time with the Special Air Service Regiment in Perth. The National Archives of Australia has 490 pages of declassified cables and memos from that time, detailing how diplomats and bureaucrats concerned themselves with military drills, pocket money and more.
While Vajiralongkorn’s school results have been expunged and other material redacted on the grounds it could harm international relations, the archives reveal the government was worried about everything from rumours of an assassination attempt and political turmoil in Thailand to his older sister’s love life. Looming over all was King Bhumibol Adulyadej, the young man's father.
Unhappy in its own way
The file begins in December 1968, when ambassador David McNicol dropped off a prospectus for Duntroon at the palace. Bhumibol was hoping military school would make a man of his son, but feared a great power might manipulate the prince for its political ends. It would be helpful too because the armed forces would be the “dominant ruling group for a long time to come”, as an aide said to the ambassador, in a country where “the mass of people were not ready for democracy”.
“The king and queen informed the Australian ambassador in Bangkok that the Crown Prince was [redacted] proud and nationalistic; nevertheless he had his good points,” reads one Department of External Affairs memo from mid-1970.
Thailand's Crown Prince talks briefly with a welcoming group of Thai students on his arrival at Sydney Airport in September 1970. Credit:Antony Matheus
Thomas Critchley, Canberra’s man in Bangkok from 1969 to 1973, was most often in the middle, typically dealing with the king’s principal private secretary or Bhumibol directly.
Critchley also had to break bad news: entry to Duntroon required graduating high school, and Vajiralongkorn's results from study in England were not good enough.
The King’s School in Parramatta, with the country’s oldest cadet corps, was an obvious choice. A minor Thai royal, Panadda Diskul, was already a student there, although the palace was keen to keep them in separate houses. (The son of a diplomat, Panadda was a career bureaucrat until drafted into the cabinet after a coup in 2014.)
On Vajiralongkorn’s arrival in Sydney, officials quickly concluded the prince had no chance of matriculating without a full year of high school in 1971. Persuading the palace took some delicacy.
Sir Keith Waller, secretary of the Department of External Affairs, wrote to Critchley that Vajiralongkorn “should not be exposed to the embarrassment of failure in the February 1971 [matriculation] examinations and to commencing the Duntroon course with an inadequate educational background”.
Critchley’s audience with Bhumibol on October 16, 1970, settled it: another year at Parramatta before Duntroon in 1972. “He spoke critically of the schooling in England which the Crown Prince had hated,” Critchley reported. “On the other hand the Crown Prince seemed to be settling in well in Australia and appreciated the friendliness with which he was being received.”
Declassified material pertaining to the education of then Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn in Australia. Credit:National Archives of Australia
Between five and seven hours a day with tutors plus private study helped. “When he first came to Australia the prince was unable to write more than five or six lines on any topic but is now able to write quite respectable essays,” Sir Keith wrote in a confidential telegram to Bangkok in late 1970.
By the middle of 1971, with the aid of tutors and special attention from teachers, The King’s School was pleased with his improvement and “impeccable” behaviour. “He is not a difficult person,” one heavily edited memo says. “The problem is basically one of determination and attack.”
In September he had an “excellent chance of passing” when the king wondered whether he might send Vajiralongkorn to Britain to launch a frigate being built for Thailand. Sir Keith spoke to Vajiralongkorn, who “clearly does not want to go but will of course comply with the king’s wishes. He is working very hard and although much calmer than he was last year, is suffering from very natural pre-examination tension. The possibility of a trip to England in the present atmosphere is adding to these tensions.”
It was an unnecessary worry. After a phone call, the king changed his mind.
Twists and turns
A sprained ankle during the school holidays meant the prince's Duntroon days did not get off to a good start. The first five weeks adjusting to college routine were the most difficult, the Bangkok Post reported, as “any cadet falling short of the standards was woken up 30 minutes early and had to stand in the cold, open field with a load of about 16-20 kilograms on his back”.
Whatever progress Vajiralongkorn was making was soon overshadowed by a scandal involving his older sister.
The Crown Prince at Duntroon in 1972. Credit:National Archives of Australia
Princess Ubolratana Mahidol, who last made international headlines when Vajiralongkorn kiboshed her attempt to become prime minister in early 2019 and who recently sided with young protesters, was studying in the US in 1972 when she ran off with a man.
Academics at Chulalongkorn University were sharing stories of how the princess had asked for permission to marry a Mexican. When a diplomat refused permission, “the princess said that she was going to be married anyway”. Journalists were sharing similar stories, “except that the press understands her to be marrying a Puerto Rican”.
Sir Keith shared the rumours on July 11 with the commandant of the Royal Military College, Major-General Sandy Pearson, with a word of caution that “any sort of entanglement on the part of the Crown Prince could be a major disaster”.
Two weeks later, Ubolratana resigned her title to become a “common citizen”. Rumours of falling pregnant to her maths tutor at MIT, and of her mother seeking to persuade her to fly to Switzerland “either to have [an] abortion or to release baby for adoption” were reported to Canberra. A few days later they evolved again, with Queen Sirikit apparently bringing Ubolratana home from the US to have the baby privately in a southern palace. (Ubolratana married a fellow student in August 1972; the first of their three children was born more than eight years later. She did not return to Thai public life until after her divorce in 1998.)
As it rocked the palace, the scandal also rattled Australia’s diplomatic ranks. “This development in the royal family will tend to focus attention on the crown prince’s activities in Australia,” charge d’affaires Leslie Gerard Sellars wrote in a confidential memo. Vajiralongkorn’s views of marriage seemed germane; the prince had recently told a reporter he would “accept whoever was chosen” as his wife.
The Thai royal family in 1966 in England, from left: Prince Vajiralongkorn, Princess Sirindhorn, 11, Princess Chulabhorn, 9, Queen Sirikit, King Bhumibol and Princess Ubolratana.Credit:UPI
The year ended with Vajiralongkorn returning to Bangkok for a ceremony marking the 20-year-old’s status as heir apparent. Pearson wrote to Critchley beforehand urging against making too much fuss about his progress at Duntroon.
“He is obviously unsure of himself, needs others to lean on and is seeking security,” Pearson wrote. “Should the king wish to hold a ceremony in December installing him as Crown Prince, then I would suggest for the Crown Prince’s sake that it be just that and not to celebrate his passing his first year at Duntroon.”
Life and death threats
At 6.23pm on Thursday, July 5, 1973, a machine in Canberra spat out an urgent message: the managing editor of the Bangkok Post had heard Vajiralongkorn had been shot, "could we please have immediate advice".
The reply was sent at 7.11pm: "Rumour is completely false repeat false."
For the rest of the month, however, the embassy was asked one variation of the question or another: was Vajiralongkorn shot in the leg? Did a bodyguard die trying to protect him? Did the queen fly to Australia and on her return try to kill one of the men who orchestrated the attempt?
While none of the above were true, new Duntroon commandant General Bob Hay discussed them with Vajiralongkorn on July 26. In a letter to Critchley the following day, in which he also reported an “acceptable level” of progress in military matters despite a weakness in topography, Hay wrote of the prince’s concerns. “It is clearly an unsettling influence and he has given some thought to the reasons behind it. There are no special security arrangements at the college … it is a pity the source of the rumours cannot be located.”
The stories climaxed at the end of the month when the palace publicly denied them, and having photographs of Vajiralongkorn at Duntroon in the media did dampen some speculation. The Australian embassy said only the prince’s reappearance in Bangkok would put them to rest, and formed the view that the stories had been started to discredit one of the so-called "three tyrants" who had ruled Thailand for a decade. After a student uprising in October, with the backing of Bhumibol, military rule came to a brief end and the “three tyrants” went into exile.
The Crown Prince during the graduation parade at Duntroon in 1975.Credit:Fairfax Media
As Thailand underwent upheaval, the prince was deep in rugged terrain south-west of Moruya in NSW. A camp from November 5 to 28 simulated a search-and-clear operation by a battalion against a low-level insurgency. Snakes, flies and mosquitoes were the other enemies, as it was hot and dry for the first 14 days before the weather deteriorated into near-monsoon conditions. “Staff Cadet Mahidol participated quite actively, although he had some difficulty in the rough going because of ankle weakness,” Hay wrote to the palace.
While Vajiralongkorn was in the bush learning the finer points of counter-revolutionary warfare, cables were flying between Canberra and Bangkok about the Crown Prince's future education. Much of what was discussed is still secret, but the upshot was Vajiralongkorn undertook a different academic course to his peers in the following two years.
Radio waves
Political turmoil prevented Bhumibol from visiting Australia, and appears to be the reason he interrupted his son’s study at the end of 1974. For all the correspondence between diplomats, Vajiralongkorn had received only the occasional phone call and three letters from his father during the first three years at Duntroon. In December and January, they spent a lot of time together.
Vajiralongkorn was ordered home early to accompany the king on all public appearances and a tour of Thailand. Bhumibol gave his son “a strong dressing -down” before sending him back to Duntroon, but let him into a private radio monitoring post where the king listened to the army and police signals through the night.
On return to Australia, Vajiralongkorn confided to his company commander that what he heard through the bank of radios left a profound impression. Sick and fatigued from travel, he was described as “generally in a state of considerable shock as a result of impressions and experiences during his visit home. He had mumbled incoherently a great deal."
Australian ambassador Marshall Johnston replied that it had been the king’s intention to “draw his attention to the responsibilities of the monarch and he probably found the experience somewhat traumatic, bewildering and overwhelming”.
Thailand's King Rama X is carried through the streets of Bangkok during the second day of his coronation ceremony in 2019. Credit:AP
“The relationship with the king seems a rather formal and distant one,” Johnston wrote. “The prince’s relationship with his mother seems closer although it also appears to an outsider to be lacking in warmth.”
Given the political ructions, Queen Sirikit was invited to attend the graduation ceremony while King Bhumibol stayed behind. The queen danced with her son at the graduation ball, as per tradition, and Vajiralongkorn received a commission as a captain in the Royal Thai Army from governor-general Sir John Kerr.
His academic results were glossed over. Johnston assured the palace the graduation ceremony would not cause any embarrassment to the royal family. “It is most important that the prince should not be made to feel different or inferior or to lose face in any way. If this happened we would risk losing the tremendous goodwill we have built up here by training the prince at Duntroon. I hope, therefore, this question will be approached with imagination and flexibility.”
The file peters out after the ceremony, although we know Vajiralongkorn spent much of 1976 with the SASR in Perth and his years in Australia left him better trained than most in the Thai military. For Thailand, it was also the year an ousted dictator returned from exile with Bhumibol’s blessing and student protests erupted.
On October 6, 1976, police and right-wing militia shot, lynched, burnt and raped students, leaving 45 dead in a massacre that continues to haunt the country. Vajiralongkorn, called back from Australia, had landed in Bangkok only days before.
Michael Ruffles is the chief sub-editor of The Sydney Morning Herald.
The miseducation of King Rama X
By Michael Ruffles
August 30, 2020
Thailand's King Maha Vajiralongkorn in 2018. He spent six years as a young crown prince in Australia, studying first at the King’s School in Parramatta before four years at the Royal Military College Duntroon and time with a regiment in Perth.Credit:AP
When Qantas flight 736 touched down in Sydney just before 8am on Saturday, September 5, 1970, a shy young man was on board. He was carefully guarded, with a king’s most trusted aide on the flight plus a security detail, and his best friend along for the ride. No visa or entry permit was needed as the only son of Thailand’s king was waved through immigration; a diplomatic passport was packed in case it came in handy.
After being greeted at the airport by a group of Thai students, the 18-year-old was escorted to the Wentworth Hotel to get down to the business at hand. Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn Mahidol had to get ready for school.
Nearly 50 years later he is King Rama X, a controversial figure who has been the subject of the strongest protests against Thailand's throne in decades, arguably since the end of the absolute monarchy in 1932. In nearly four years since his father’s death, Vajiralongkorn has shown himself to be much more overtly interventionist in politics, consolidated army units under his direct command and converted a sovereign wealth fund into a personal fortune.
Vajiralongkorn spent six years in Australia, studying first at the King’s School in Parramatta before four years at the Royal Military College, Duntroon and time with the Special Air Service Regiment in Perth. The National Archives of Australia has 490 pages of declassified cables and memos from that time, detailing how diplomats and bureaucrats concerned themselves with military drills, pocket money and more.
While Vajiralongkorn’s school results have been expunged and other material redacted on the grounds it could harm international relations, the archives reveal the government was worried about everything from rumours of an assassination attempt and political turmoil in Thailand to his older sister’s love life. Looming over all was King Bhumibol Adulyadej, the young man's father.
Unhappy in its own way
The file begins in December 1968, when ambassador David McNicol dropped off a prospectus for Duntroon at the palace. Bhumibol was hoping military school would make a man of his son, but feared a great power might manipulate the prince for its political ends. It would be helpful too because the armed forces would be the “dominant ruling group for a long time to come”, as an aide said to the ambassador, in a country where “the mass of people were not ready for democracy”.
“The king and queen informed the Australian ambassador in Bangkok that the Crown Prince was [redacted] proud and nationalistic; nevertheless he had his good points,” reads one Department of External Affairs memo from mid-1970.
Thailand's Crown Prince talks briefly with a welcoming group of Thai students on his arrival at Sydney Airport in September 1970. Credit:Antony Matheus
Thomas Critchley, Canberra’s man in Bangkok from 1969 to 1973, was most often in the middle, typically dealing with the king’s principal private secretary or Bhumibol directly.
Critchley also had to break bad news: entry to Duntroon required graduating high school, and Vajiralongkorn's results from study in England were not good enough.
The King’s School in Parramatta, with the country’s oldest cadet corps, was an obvious choice. A minor Thai royal, Panadda Diskul, was already a student there, although the palace was keen to keep them in separate houses. (The son of a diplomat, Panadda was a career bureaucrat until drafted into the cabinet after a coup in 2014.)
On Vajiralongkorn’s arrival in Sydney, officials quickly concluded the prince had no chance of matriculating without a full year of high school in 1971. Persuading the palace took some delicacy.
Sir Keith Waller, secretary of the Department of External Affairs, wrote to Critchley that Vajiralongkorn “should not be exposed to the embarrassment of failure in the February 1971 [matriculation] examinations and to commencing the Duntroon course with an inadequate educational background”.
Critchley’s audience with Bhumibol on October 16, 1970, settled it: another year at Parramatta before Duntroon in 1972. “He spoke critically of the schooling in England which the Crown Prince had hated,” Critchley reported. “On the other hand the Crown Prince seemed to be settling in well in Australia and appreciated the friendliness with which he was being received.”
Declassified material pertaining to the education of then Crown Prince Vajiralongkorn in Australia. Credit:National Archives of Australia
Between five and seven hours a day with tutors plus private study helped. “When he first came to Australia the prince was unable to write more than five or six lines on any topic but is now able to write quite respectable essays,” Sir Keith wrote in a confidential telegram to Bangkok in late 1970.
By the middle of 1971, with the aid of tutors and special attention from teachers, The King’s School was pleased with his improvement and “impeccable” behaviour. “He is not a difficult person,” one heavily edited memo says. “The problem is basically one of determination and attack.”
In September he had an “excellent chance of passing” when the king wondered whether he might send Vajiralongkorn to Britain to launch a frigate being built for Thailand. Sir Keith spoke to Vajiralongkorn, who “clearly does not want to go but will of course comply with the king’s wishes. He is working very hard and although much calmer than he was last year, is suffering from very natural pre-examination tension. The possibility of a trip to England in the present atmosphere is adding to these tensions.”
It was an unnecessary worry. After a phone call, the king changed his mind.
Twists and turns
A sprained ankle during the school holidays meant the prince's Duntroon days did not get off to a good start. The first five weeks adjusting to college routine were the most difficult, the Bangkok Post reported, as “any cadet falling short of the standards was woken up 30 minutes early and had to stand in the cold, open field with a load of about 16-20 kilograms on his back”.
Whatever progress Vajiralongkorn was making was soon overshadowed by a scandal involving his older sister.
The Crown Prince at Duntroon in 1972. Credit:National Archives of Australia
Princess Ubolratana Mahidol, who last made international headlines when Vajiralongkorn kiboshed her attempt to become prime minister in early 2019 and who recently sided with young protesters, was studying in the US in 1972 when she ran off with a man.
Academics at Chulalongkorn University were sharing stories of how the princess had asked for permission to marry a Mexican. When a diplomat refused permission, “the princess said that she was going to be married anyway”. Journalists were sharing similar stories, “except that the press understands her to be marrying a Puerto Rican”.
Sir Keith shared the rumours on July 11 with the commandant of the Royal Military College, Major-General Sandy Pearson, with a word of caution that “any sort of entanglement on the part of the Crown Prince could be a major disaster”.
Two weeks later, Ubolratana resigned her title to become a “common citizen”. Rumours of falling pregnant to her maths tutor at MIT, and of her mother seeking to persuade her to fly to Switzerland “either to have [an] abortion or to release baby for adoption” were reported to Canberra. A few days later they evolved again, with Queen Sirikit apparently bringing Ubolratana home from the US to have the baby privately in a southern palace. (Ubolratana married a fellow student in August 1972; the first of their three children was born more than eight years later. She did not return to Thai public life until after her divorce in 1998.)
As it rocked the palace, the scandal also rattled Australia’s diplomatic ranks. “This development in the royal family will tend to focus attention on the crown prince’s activities in Australia,” charge d’affaires Leslie Gerard Sellars wrote in a confidential memo. Vajiralongkorn’s views of marriage seemed germane; the prince had recently told a reporter he would “accept whoever was chosen” as his wife.
The Thai royal family in 1966 in England, from left: Prince Vajiralongkorn, Princess Sirindhorn, 11, Princess Chulabhorn, 9, Queen Sirikit, King Bhumibol and Princess Ubolratana.Credit:UPI
The year ended with Vajiralongkorn returning to Bangkok for a ceremony marking the 20-year-old’s status as heir apparent. Pearson wrote to Critchley beforehand urging against making too much fuss about his progress at Duntroon.
“He is obviously unsure of himself, needs others to lean on and is seeking security,” Pearson wrote. “Should the king wish to hold a ceremony in December installing him as Crown Prince, then I would suggest for the Crown Prince’s sake that it be just that and not to celebrate his passing his first year at Duntroon.”
Life and death threats
At 6.23pm on Thursday, July 5, 1973, a machine in Canberra spat out an urgent message: the managing editor of the Bangkok Post had heard Vajiralongkorn had been shot, "could we please have immediate advice".
The reply was sent at 7.11pm: "Rumour is completely false repeat false."
For the rest of the month, however, the embassy was asked one variation of the question or another: was Vajiralongkorn shot in the leg? Did a bodyguard die trying to protect him? Did the queen fly to Australia and on her return try to kill one of the men who orchestrated the attempt?
While none of the above were true, new Duntroon commandant General Bob Hay discussed them with Vajiralongkorn on July 26. In a letter to Critchley the following day, in which he also reported an “acceptable level” of progress in military matters despite a weakness in topography, Hay wrote of the prince’s concerns. “It is clearly an unsettling influence and he has given some thought to the reasons behind it. There are no special security arrangements at the college … it is a pity the source of the rumours cannot be located.”
The stories climaxed at the end of the month when the palace publicly denied them, and having photographs of Vajiralongkorn at Duntroon in the media did dampen some speculation. The Australian embassy said only the prince’s reappearance in Bangkok would put them to rest, and formed the view that the stories had been started to discredit one of the so-called "three tyrants" who had ruled Thailand for a decade. After a student uprising in October, with the backing of Bhumibol, military rule came to a brief end and the “three tyrants” went into exile.
The Crown Prince during the graduation parade at Duntroon in 1975.Credit:Fairfax Media
As Thailand underwent upheaval, the prince was deep in rugged terrain south-west of Moruya in NSW. A camp from November 5 to 28 simulated a search-and-clear operation by a battalion against a low-level insurgency. Snakes, flies and mosquitoes were the other enemies, as it was hot and dry for the first 14 days before the weather deteriorated into near-monsoon conditions. “Staff Cadet Mahidol participated quite actively, although he had some difficulty in the rough going because of ankle weakness,” Hay wrote to the palace.
While Vajiralongkorn was in the bush learning the finer points of counter-revolutionary warfare, cables were flying between Canberra and Bangkok about the Crown Prince's future education. Much of what was discussed is still secret, but the upshot was Vajiralongkorn undertook a different academic course to his peers in the following two years.
Radio waves
Political turmoil prevented Bhumibol from visiting Australia, and appears to be the reason he interrupted his son’s study at the end of 1974. For all the correspondence between diplomats, Vajiralongkorn had received only the occasional phone call and three letters from his father during the first three years at Duntroon. In December and January, they spent a lot of time together.
Vajiralongkorn was ordered home early to accompany the king on all public appearances and a tour of Thailand. Bhumibol gave his son “a strong dressing -down” before sending him back to Duntroon, but let him into a private radio monitoring post where the king listened to the army and police signals through the night.
On return to Australia, Vajiralongkorn confided to his company commander that what he heard through the bank of radios left a profound impression. Sick and fatigued from travel, he was described as “generally in a state of considerable shock as a result of impressions and experiences during his visit home. He had mumbled incoherently a great deal."
Australian ambassador Marshall Johnston replied that it had been the king’s intention to “draw his attention to the responsibilities of the monarch and he probably found the experience somewhat traumatic, bewildering and overwhelming”.
Thailand's King Rama X is carried through the streets of Bangkok during the second day of his coronation ceremony in 2019. Credit:AP
“The relationship with the king seems a rather formal and distant one,” Johnston wrote. “The prince’s relationship with his mother seems closer although it also appears to an outsider to be lacking in warmth.”
Given the political ructions, Queen Sirikit was invited to attend the graduation ceremony while King Bhumibol stayed behind. The queen danced with her son at the graduation ball, as per tradition, and Vajiralongkorn received a commission as a captain in the Royal Thai Army from governor-general Sir John Kerr.
His academic results were glossed over. Johnston assured the palace the graduation ceremony would not cause any embarrassment to the royal family. “It is most important that the prince should not be made to feel different or inferior or to lose face in any way. If this happened we would risk losing the tremendous goodwill we have built up here by training the prince at Duntroon. I hope, therefore, this question will be approached with imagination and flexibility.”
The file peters out after the ceremony, although we know Vajiralongkorn spent much of 1976 with the SASR in Perth and his years in Australia left him better trained than most in the Thai military. For Thailand, it was also the year an ousted dictator returned from exile with Bhumibol’s blessing and student protests erupted.
On October 6, 1976, police and right-wing militia shot, lynched, burnt and raped students, leaving 45 dead in a massacre that continues to haunt the country. Vajiralongkorn, called back from Australia, had landed in Bangkok only days before.
Michael Ruffles is the chief sub-editor of The Sydney Morning Herald.
OPINION: THE IRONY OF A FACEBOOK GROUP CRITICAL OF THE MONARCHY
By
Pravit Rojanaphruk, Senior Staff Writer
-
August 30, 2020 8:00 am
https://www.khaosodenglish.com/opin...of-a-facebook-group-critical-of-the-monarchy/
A screencap of ABC's interview with Pavin Chachavalpongpun
That the Thai government’s initiative to pressure Facebook to geo-block a Facebook group critical of the monarchy in Thailand has backfired big time is for all to see.
Less than a week after the Thai government of Gen Prayut Chan-ocha ‘successfully’ threatened Facebook to block access to “Royalist Marketplace” in Thailand on Monday night or face a legal battle, Facebook caved in. A new marketplace was created and attracted members even faster than the last one.
It was nothing short of a full-blown Streisand effect. The Thai government’s attempts to regain cyber sovereignty have utterly failed, even though the Digital Ministry deputy permanent secretary said last week that the group shared false information deemed a threat to national security.
The situation is worse now with the world watching and organizations like Human Rights Watch decrying violations of people’s right to free speech.
The man behind the group with a million members is Thai academic Pavin Chachavalpongpun who lives in Kyoto. He ends up being sought out for interviews from media around the globe over the past days, from The New York Times to Berlin’s leftist Taz newspaper and even a Singaporean TV station.
It helps promote a new marketplace as yet to be geo-blocked as of press time in Bangkok. The icing on the cake was probably an invitation for him to speak at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan. He does not face any real threat of extradition to Thailand, regardless of what the Thai government may claim.
As of press time, the newly created political ‘marketplace’ is less than a week old, but it has already gained nearly 900,000 members. One cartoon compared Pavin to the new Moses, leading the monarchy critics in an exodus to the new Promised Land.
On Wednesday, I was alerted to a pending invitation by a member of the new marketplace to join. I posted on Facebook and Twitter asking for the views of my friends and followers whether I should accept the invitation and join. The answer was an overwhelming ‘yes’ and ‘what are you waiting for!’.
So I did. Then I tried posting this message:
“May I remind that everyone should try to use factual information as much as possible. And not accuse anyone without substantiation, so the the new Royalist Marketplace would not end up being assumed by Facebook to be like what the Thai government’s accused it of. And so it could be a centre for learning.”
The post never appears on the new ‘marketplace’.
It tells me that the group is Pavin’s fiefdom, after all. This is not a real marketplace of ideologies where people argue and communicate freely, it’s merely Pavin’s virtual ideological dominion.
As admin of the group, Pavin decides what he likes to appear or not appear on the market place. The group might be more aptly described as Pavin’s Ideological Marketplace and not a true marketplace of exchanges of ideas and views.
In the end, after days, that simple gentle reminder was not ‘approved’ by Pavin to appear on the new marketplace. He basically blocked the post. No, he didn’t block. Pavin, while crying foul for violations of freedom of his group’s speech instigated by the Thai government, simply decided my message was not fit for print.
Probably he found it potentially sobering, or even demoralizing as the place is pretty much a free-wheeling venue of frenzies for anyone wanting to not just criticize but trash the monarchy, even when there’s little or no substantiated evidence.
Hey, I get it, it’s free speech! But free speech not for all? At least not in Pavin’s royal marketplace realm. Even in the old realm which is now geo-blocked by Facebook, Pavin had earlier declared some intruding members from the other side of the political camp as persona non grata and deported a few from memberships, thus they won’t be able to even type comments following numerous Pavin-approved status made by others.
(I am strangely reminded of ultra-royalist Thais who say if you don’t love the king, then leave the kingdom!)
While acknowledging the invaluable importance of the ‘marketplace’ in opening up critical debate about the monarchy, it’s also disturbingly similar to the Thai semi-military government desire to be able to control what contents can appear in Thailand and what must not.
That’s why they pressured and threatened to take legal actions against Facebook to begin with. And this led to the geo-blocking of the Pavin’s original marketplace.
Thank Buddha that the best Pavin can do is to kick me out of being a new member of the new marketplace and I can still see most of the posts as a spectator. No lese majeste law protecting Pavin though.
The supreme Facebook group administrator still tolerates me as a member, and thus spectator of his influential group as of press time.
Ironic isn’t it. A man who is fighting for greater freedom for Thais to exercise online freedom of expression is also a rather active gatekeeper, keeping away what he doesn’t see fit to be published online in his marketplace from appearing.
Pavin simply can’t bear anything that’s off message on his virtual realm. There he rules supreme, absolute, not answerable to anyone as the Facebook group’s administrator except to Facebook itself.
Long may Pavin rule and reign his new royal marketplace with populations, oops members, the size bigger than some Pacific island nations. Under his dominion with foresight and righteousness, he shall bestow us with what we should read.
I’d end this column by being fair to Pavin and conceding that the ‘marketplace’ also offers a place for Thais to scrutinise and criticise the monarchy and more in an environment where Thai mainstream mass media self-censored itself on anything mildly critical of the institution.
In this regard, it serves as an invaluable virtual space for much-needed expressions. And credit goes to Pavin with the reservations I am pointing out about in this column.
By
Pravit Rojanaphruk, Senior Staff Writer
-
August 30, 2020 8:00 am
https://www.khaosodenglish.com/opin...of-a-facebook-group-critical-of-the-monarchy/
A screencap of ABC's interview with Pavin Chachavalpongpun
That the Thai government’s initiative to pressure Facebook to geo-block a Facebook group critical of the monarchy in Thailand has backfired big time is for all to see.
Less than a week after the Thai government of Gen Prayut Chan-ocha ‘successfully’ threatened Facebook to block access to “Royalist Marketplace” in Thailand on Monday night or face a legal battle, Facebook caved in. A new marketplace was created and attracted members even faster than the last one.
It was nothing short of a full-blown Streisand effect. The Thai government’s attempts to regain cyber sovereignty have utterly failed, even though the Digital Ministry deputy permanent secretary said last week that the group shared false information deemed a threat to national security.
The situation is worse now with the world watching and organizations like Human Rights Watch decrying violations of people’s right to free speech.
The man behind the group with a million members is Thai academic Pavin Chachavalpongpun who lives in Kyoto. He ends up being sought out for interviews from media around the globe over the past days, from The New York Times to Berlin’s leftist Taz newspaper and even a Singaporean TV station.
It helps promote a new marketplace as yet to be geo-blocked as of press time in Bangkok. The icing on the cake was probably an invitation for him to speak at the Foreign Correspondents Club of Japan. He does not face any real threat of extradition to Thailand, regardless of what the Thai government may claim.
As of press time, the newly created political ‘marketplace’ is less than a week old, but it has already gained nearly 900,000 members. One cartoon compared Pavin to the new Moses, leading the monarchy critics in an exodus to the new Promised Land.
On Wednesday, I was alerted to a pending invitation by a member of the new marketplace to join. I posted on Facebook and Twitter asking for the views of my friends and followers whether I should accept the invitation and join. The answer was an overwhelming ‘yes’ and ‘what are you waiting for!’.
So I did. Then I tried posting this message:
“May I remind that everyone should try to use factual information as much as possible. And not accuse anyone without substantiation, so the the new Royalist Marketplace would not end up being assumed by Facebook to be like what the Thai government’s accused it of. And so it could be a centre for learning.”
The post never appears on the new ‘marketplace’.
It tells me that the group is Pavin’s fiefdom, after all. This is not a real marketplace of ideologies where people argue and communicate freely, it’s merely Pavin’s virtual ideological dominion.
As admin of the group, Pavin decides what he likes to appear or not appear on the market place. The group might be more aptly described as Pavin’s Ideological Marketplace and not a true marketplace of exchanges of ideas and views.
In the end, after days, that simple gentle reminder was not ‘approved’ by Pavin to appear on the new marketplace. He basically blocked the post. No, he didn’t block. Pavin, while crying foul for violations of freedom of his group’s speech instigated by the Thai government, simply decided my message was not fit for print.
Probably he found it potentially sobering, or even demoralizing as the place is pretty much a free-wheeling venue of frenzies for anyone wanting to not just criticize but trash the monarchy, even when there’s little or no substantiated evidence.
Hey, I get it, it’s free speech! But free speech not for all? At least not in Pavin’s royal marketplace realm. Even in the old realm which is now geo-blocked by Facebook, Pavin had earlier declared some intruding members from the other side of the political camp as persona non grata and deported a few from memberships, thus they won’t be able to even type comments following numerous Pavin-approved status made by others.
(I am strangely reminded of ultra-royalist Thais who say if you don’t love the king, then leave the kingdom!)
While acknowledging the invaluable importance of the ‘marketplace’ in opening up critical debate about the monarchy, it’s also disturbingly similar to the Thai semi-military government desire to be able to control what contents can appear in Thailand and what must not.
That’s why they pressured and threatened to take legal actions against Facebook to begin with. And this led to the geo-blocking of the Pavin’s original marketplace.
Thank Buddha that the best Pavin can do is to kick me out of being a new member of the new marketplace and I can still see most of the posts as a spectator. No lese majeste law protecting Pavin though.
The supreme Facebook group administrator still tolerates me as a member, and thus spectator of his influential group as of press time.
Ironic isn’t it. A man who is fighting for greater freedom for Thais to exercise online freedom of expression is also a rather active gatekeeper, keeping away what he doesn’t see fit to be published online in his marketplace from appearing.
Pavin simply can’t bear anything that’s off message on his virtual realm. There he rules supreme, absolute, not answerable to anyone as the Facebook group’s administrator except to Facebook itself.
Long may Pavin rule and reign his new royal marketplace with populations, oops members, the size bigger than some Pacific island nations. Under his dominion with foresight and righteousness, he shall bestow us with what we should read.
I’d end this column by being fair to Pavin and conceding that the ‘marketplace’ also offers a place for Thais to scrutinise and criticise the monarchy and more in an environment where Thai mainstream mass media self-censored itself on anything mildly critical of the institution.
In this regard, it serves as an invaluable virtual space for much-needed expressions. And credit goes to Pavin with the reservations I am pointing out about in this column.
https://asia.nikkei.com/Spotlight/C...1&pub_date=20200831123000&seq_num=10&si=44594
Thailand's economic wizard throws in the towel
Former deputy PM Somkid falls victim to ruling-party infighting
Thailand's former Deputy Prime Minister Somkid Jatusripitak in Bangkok on June 14, 2017. © Reuters
TORU TAKAHASHI, Editor-in-Chief, Editorial Headquarters for AsiaAugust 30, 2020 12:00 JST
BANGKOK -- Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, facing criticism against his draconian rule, replaced six economy-related ministers on Aug. 12 in a bid to jump-start the county's pandemic-battered economy.
The prime minister replaced members from the academic sector with former business executives. Newly appointed finance minister Predee Daochai is a former president of Kasikornbank and energy minister Supattanapong Punmeechaow was formerly chief of PTT Global Chemical, the largest petrochemical company in Thailand.
Three ministers -- all academics-turned-politicians -- stepped down on July 16, about a month before the cabinet reshuffle: Finance minister Uttama Savanayana, energy minister Sontirat Sontijirawong and Deputy Prime Minister Somkid Jatusripitak, who led the economic policy team.
Though Supattanapong doubles as deputy prime minister, Prayuth ultimately controls Thailand's economic destiny. But the country's gross domestic product plunged 12% on year in the April-June quarter, with no assured plans for recovery. Some voice concern about ex-military man Prayuth to steer the economy, underscoring the void left by the departure of Somkid, who long served as the person in charge of economic policy.
In June, when rumors of a cabinet reshuffle surfaced, Somkid was confident of retaining his positions. "If the present team cannot get the job done, they should not stay on," he said. "If [the] new team has no ideas about how to do it, or cannot do it, then don't come."
Partly due to infighting within the ruling party, however, pressure on Somkid gradually mounted. In early July, he said wearily, "I have been prepared for a long time. I am old now. I already lost [my] heart years ago." Six days later, he stepped down as deputy prime minister.
Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha is an ex-military man with little experience in steering an economy, making Somkid's departure all the more serious. © Reuters
Somkid did not appear at a news conference to announce his resignation. Instead, he had his right-hand man Uttama tell the media that he was resigning for health reasons. For a heavyweight in Thai politics -- Somkid served as deputy prime minister for two five-year stints -- it was a weak farewell announcement.
How has Somkid affected Thai politics and the country's economy?
Following his education at Thailand's prestigious Thammasat University and the National Institute of Development Administration, he earned a doctorate from Kellogg School of Management at Northwestern University in the U.S. There, he studied under Philip Kotler, known as the father of modern marketing, co-writing with his mentor "Marketing of Nations," a book that explores marketing strategies to increase a nation's competitiveness.
Dissatisfied with only constructing theory, the ambitious Somkid wanted to put it to practice. In a Nikkei article titled "My personal history," Kotler named Somkid as one of his better students. The American also recounted when Somkid, who was teaching at his Thai alma mater in the 1990s, asked his mentor advice about staying in the academic sphere or entering politics. Kotler encouraged him to try his hand at politics.
At the time, Somkid had been invited by former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra to enter the political arena. When Thaksin set up the Thai Rak Thai Party in 1998, Somkid joined. His high stature in the TRT came to light when he was ranked third on the party's list of candidates for the 2001 general election. After the TRT swept to victory, Somkid was tasked with formulating economic policy as deputy prime minister-cum-finance minister.
Somkid, left, who supported former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra for years, was the principal architect of the country's economic policies. © Reuters
Somkid put his marketing genius to work creating village funds, an investment and lending program for more than 70,000 villages. The one village-one product scheme, modeled from Japan's Oita Prefecture, encouraged each village to promote one local product. He also promoted exports of automobiles and foods through two campaigns aptly labeled "Detroit of Asia" and "Kitchen of the World."
A series of Thaksinomics measures at the time were not necessarily Somkid's. According to a diplomat in Thailand then: "His true value [was] his outstanding ability as an organizer, who combines a variety of ideas, theorizes them then translates them into a policy.
His political fortunes began to rise to the point where he was regarded as a serious candidate for prime minister. This became moot, however, when a coup d'etat dethroned Thaksin in September 2006.
Deciding to work for the military junta, Somkid became an economic envoy, a move that infuriated the anti-Thaksin camp, which forced him to resign from the post in a week. Unsurprisingly, he was also labeled by the pro-Thaksin group as a traitor to the party. In those tumultuous days, Somkid mulled forming his own party. When the TRT was disbanded in May 2007 on charges of election irregularities, Somkid had his citizenship suspended for five years, after which he disappeared from the political spotlight.
Somkid returned after another coup in 2014 that again toppled a Thaksin government. He was appointed by the junta as an adviser, then as deputy prime minister in August 2015. It was the first time in nine years that he was in the deputy prime minister's seat, where he again oversaw the Thai economy.
"Somkid told me to tell him any problem I have, as he always respects the opinions of Japanese companies," said Soji Sakai, executive officer and general manager of the Chubu branch of trading house Marubeni. "I sometimes visited him to petition the Thai government. He quickly and appropriately dealt with our petitions. He was not a man of words, but really a man of action," Sakai noted.
Sakai, who met Somkid as the president of the Japanese Chamber of Commerce in Bangkok, believed that Somkid was always thinking about the interest of his country.
Somkid devised brilliant strategies during his second deputy premiership from 2015, including Thailand 4.0, an initiative to upgrade the industrial sector and push the country into the ranks of developed countries. He was also one of the architects of the Eastern Economic Corridor, a project to transform coastal industrial areas into sophisticated industrial hubs. Compared with his previous deputy premiership, when annual GDP growth was roughly 4% to 7%, growth at this time was in the 3% to 4% range, even before the pandemic, exposing Somkid as not quite the economic whiz as he had been under Thaksin.
"If Somkid wanted to use his expertise for the nation, he couldn't help but give up on the old boss and work for the junta," said a former bureaucrat who worked with Somkid in the Thaksin government. He added: "Thaksin was a businessman with a deep understanding of economic policy, and lent his full support to Somkid's strategy. Prayuth, however, is a military man. The stage for Somkid to exercise his full abilities was so different."
The ongoing student-led demonstrations in Thailand are not a war of ideologies like in the past between pro- and anti-Thaksin groups. Instead, they seem to represent a clash of generations. Somkid's resignation symbolizes the end of an era.
The day he left the government on July 16 marked the first anniversary of the Prayuth government. Somkid was surely successful to choose the day to show that he is the victim of a power struggle within the ruling party. He abandoned his responsibility as a top economic minister in the midst of the coronavirus crisis knowing that his action creates a void in the country's economic strategy. This behavior, uncharacteristic of an academic, may imply that he guards an ambition to one day return to politics.
Thailand's economic wizard throws in the towel
Former deputy PM Somkid falls victim to ruling-party infighting
Thailand's former Deputy Prime Minister Somkid Jatusripitak in Bangkok on June 14, 2017. © Reuters
TORU TAKAHASHI, Editor-in-Chief, Editorial Headquarters for AsiaAugust 30, 2020 12:00 JST
BANGKOK -- Thai Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha, facing criticism against his draconian rule, replaced six economy-related ministers on Aug. 12 in a bid to jump-start the county's pandemic-battered economy.
The prime minister replaced members from the academic sector with former business executives. Newly appointed finance minister Predee Daochai is a former president of Kasikornbank and energy minister Supattanapong Punmeechaow was formerly chief of PTT Global Chemical, the largest petrochemical company in Thailand.
Three ministers -- all academics-turned-politicians -- stepped down on July 16, about a month before the cabinet reshuffle: Finance minister Uttama Savanayana, energy minister Sontirat Sontijirawong and Deputy Prime Minister Somkid Jatusripitak, who led the economic policy team.
Though Supattanapong doubles as deputy prime minister, Prayuth ultimately controls Thailand's economic destiny. But the country's gross domestic product plunged 12% on year in the April-June quarter, with no assured plans for recovery. Some voice concern about ex-military man Prayuth to steer the economy, underscoring the void left by the departure of Somkid, who long served as the person in charge of economic policy.
In June, when rumors of a cabinet reshuffle surfaced, Somkid was confident of retaining his positions. "If the present team cannot get the job done, they should not stay on," he said. "If [the] new team has no ideas about how to do it, or cannot do it, then don't come."
Partly due to infighting within the ruling party, however, pressure on Somkid gradually mounted. In early July, he said wearily, "I have been prepared for a long time. I am old now. I already lost [my] heart years ago." Six days later, he stepped down as deputy prime minister.
Prime Minister Prayuth Chan-ocha is an ex-military man with little experience in steering an economy, making Somkid's departure all the more serious. © Reuters
Somkid did not appear at a news conference to announce his resignation. Instead, he had his right-hand man Uttama tell the media that he was resigning for health reasons. For a heavyweight in Thai politics -- Somkid served as deputy prime minister for two five-year stints -- it was a weak farewell announcement.
How has Somkid affected Thai politics and the country's economy?
Following his education at Thailand's prestigious Thammasat University and the National Institute of Development Administration, he earned a doctorate from Kellogg School of Management at Northwestern University in the U.S. There, he studied under Philip Kotler, known as the father of modern marketing, co-writing with his mentor "Marketing of Nations," a book that explores marketing strategies to increase a nation's competitiveness.
Dissatisfied with only constructing theory, the ambitious Somkid wanted to put it to practice. In a Nikkei article titled "My personal history," Kotler named Somkid as one of his better students. The American also recounted when Somkid, who was teaching at his Thai alma mater in the 1990s, asked his mentor advice about staying in the academic sphere or entering politics. Kotler encouraged him to try his hand at politics.
At the time, Somkid had been invited by former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra to enter the political arena. When Thaksin set up the Thai Rak Thai Party in 1998, Somkid joined. His high stature in the TRT came to light when he was ranked third on the party's list of candidates for the 2001 general election. After the TRT swept to victory, Somkid was tasked with formulating economic policy as deputy prime minister-cum-finance minister.
Somkid, left, who supported former Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra for years, was the principal architect of the country's economic policies. © Reuters
Somkid put his marketing genius to work creating village funds, an investment and lending program for more than 70,000 villages. The one village-one product scheme, modeled from Japan's Oita Prefecture, encouraged each village to promote one local product. He also promoted exports of automobiles and foods through two campaigns aptly labeled "Detroit of Asia" and "Kitchen of the World."
A series of Thaksinomics measures at the time were not necessarily Somkid's. According to a diplomat in Thailand then: "His true value [was] his outstanding ability as an organizer, who combines a variety of ideas, theorizes them then translates them into a policy.
His political fortunes began to rise to the point where he was regarded as a serious candidate for prime minister. This became moot, however, when a coup d'etat dethroned Thaksin in September 2006.
Deciding to work for the military junta, Somkid became an economic envoy, a move that infuriated the anti-Thaksin camp, which forced him to resign from the post in a week. Unsurprisingly, he was also labeled by the pro-Thaksin group as a traitor to the party. In those tumultuous days, Somkid mulled forming his own party. When the TRT was disbanded in May 2007 on charges of election irregularities, Somkid had his citizenship suspended for five years, after which he disappeared from the political spotlight.
Somkid returned after another coup in 2014 that again toppled a Thaksin government. He was appointed by the junta as an adviser, then as deputy prime minister in August 2015. It was the first time in nine years that he was in the deputy prime minister's seat, where he again oversaw the Thai economy.
"Somkid told me to tell him any problem I have, as he always respects the opinions of Japanese companies," said Soji Sakai, executive officer and general manager of the Chubu branch of trading house Marubeni. "I sometimes visited him to petition the Thai government. He quickly and appropriately dealt with our petitions. He was not a man of words, but really a man of action," Sakai noted.
Sakai, who met Somkid as the president of the Japanese Chamber of Commerce in Bangkok, believed that Somkid was always thinking about the interest of his country.
Somkid devised brilliant strategies during his second deputy premiership from 2015, including Thailand 4.0, an initiative to upgrade the industrial sector and push the country into the ranks of developed countries. He was also one of the architects of the Eastern Economic Corridor, a project to transform coastal industrial areas into sophisticated industrial hubs. Compared with his previous deputy premiership, when annual GDP growth was roughly 4% to 7%, growth at this time was in the 3% to 4% range, even before the pandemic, exposing Somkid as not quite the economic whiz as he had been under Thaksin.
"If Somkid wanted to use his expertise for the nation, he couldn't help but give up on the old boss and work for the junta," said a former bureaucrat who worked with Somkid in the Thaksin government. He added: "Thaksin was a businessman with a deep understanding of economic policy, and lent his full support to Somkid's strategy. Prayuth, however, is a military man. The stage for Somkid to exercise his full abilities was so different."
The ongoing student-led demonstrations in Thailand are not a war of ideologies like in the past between pro- and anti-Thaksin groups. Instead, they seem to represent a clash of generations. Somkid's resignation symbolizes the end of an era.
The day he left the government on July 16 marked the first anniversary of the Prayuth government. Somkid was surely successful to choose the day to show that he is the victim of a power struggle within the ruling party. He abandoned his responsibility as a top economic minister in the midst of the coronavirus crisis knowing that his action creates a void in the country's economic strategy. This behavior, uncharacteristic of an academic, may imply that he guards an ambition to one day return to politics.
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