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[Video] - China nationalists celebrate Abe's assassination by partying in front of his funeral photo
- Thread starter UltimaOnline
- Start date
https://forums.fuckwarezone.com.sg/threads/gvgt-chinese-partying-in-front-of-abe-photo.6776758/
Despicable uncivilized appalling behaviour.
sg is full of ccp cocksuckers and prc porlumpars. there’s even a long queue at bank of china branches everyday.
Further south more unhinged pops brain washed by neo liberalism. FTs create good jobs for u, more gst is to help the poor, rent control for kopitiam will hamper competition etc bold face lies spoken like the gospel.
Exactly. 60% happy.Further south more unhinged pops brain washed by neo liberalism. FTs create good jobs for u, more gst is to help the poor, rent control for kopitiam will hamper competition etc bold face lies spoken like the gospel.
Singapore already got Little India and Chenai town in Changi and Shenton Way. What more do you want?
civil war eventually between imported cecas and tiongs.
There's nothing stopping others from partying in front of a funeral photo of Mao, Xi or other CCP leaders.
m&ds were jappo spies telling on Chinese esp their neighbours
Malays were promised independence by the japanese.
2-3 generations of cultural influence and white washing of history; Singaporeans have forgotten what happened during the 3 years and 8 months of occupation. History textbooks these days have severely diluted the contents such that even my own children couldn't care less even when I reminded them of how their great grandparents suffered during the occupation; including the murder of their maternal great grandfather and uncles.
The Chinese hated Abe not only because of his recent remarks on Taiwan but because he is a right wing nationalist who has ancestral links to war criminals; hence his annual visit to the Yasukuni Temple. He is a member of the Nippon Kagi group which amongst other things; sought to re-write history on WWII, Nanking murder, Comfort woman etc.
The following is an article from the New Yorker that better explains the Chinese behaviors.
Shinzo Abe, the former Prime Minister of Japan, was assassinated on Friday, in the city of Nara. A member of the Liberal Democratic Party, Abe had served in Japan’s highest elected office twice: the first time, for a year, starting in 2006, and the second time between 2012 and 2020. Abe came from a prominent political family—his father had been a foreign minister, and his grandfather had served as Prime Minister in the late nineteen-fifties after avoiding war-crimes charges—and remained one of the most powerful politicians in the country even after leaving office, in 2020. As Prime Minister, Abe sought to reëstablish Japan as a forceful presence in international affairs, and his policy to jumpstart the Japanese economy came to be known as Abenomics. He failed, however, in his push to revise Japan’s constitution to allow the country to take nondefensive military action abroad. Abe cultivated strong relationships with a number of world leaders, including Donald Trump and the former Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, but relationships in the Asia-Pacific region, especially with South Korea, were strained by Abe’s unwillingness to fully acknowledge Japan’s heinous behavior during the Second World War.
After Abe’s death, I spoke by phone with Alexis Dudden, a professor of history at the University of Connecticut who specializes in modern Japan and Korea. She was in Tokyo when we talked. During our conversation, which has been edited for length and clarity, we discussed Abe’s Second World War revisionism, his complicated feelings about America, and why his push to reform the Japanese constitution ultimately failed.
How do you see Abe’s legacy?
He was a Prime Minister who reconfigured Japan’s place in East Asia, or at least tried to. He tried to create a more assertive Japan through a very proactive—as he liked to describe it—attempt at diplomacy. And he travelled widely. He met with Vladimir Putin more than with any other world leader: more than twenty times. He did meet Xi Jinping, and he was the first foreign leader to meet Donald Trump after [Trump] became President. Abe, however, created a deep rift between Japan and its Asian neighbors over his extremely hawkish outlook, his extremist positions on the legacy of the Japanese empire, and its responsibilities for atrocities committed throughout Asia and the Pacific. While many are extolling him as a great leader, his personal vision for rewriting Japanese history, of a glorious past, created a real problem in East Asia which will linger, because it divided not just the different countries’ approach to diplomacy with Japan; it also divided Japanese society even further over how to approach its own responsibility for wartime actions carried out in the name of the emperor.
You used the phrase “rewriting history.” Do you mean rewriting the truth, or do you mean rewriting the way people in Japan understood their history? To what degree was Abe, when he came into office for the first time, in 2006, a departure from the way that Japan understood its own history? And to what degree was this more of the status quo, but just in a more aggressive fashion?
The helpful thing about studying Abe is that he himself published several articles and books, and he gave numerous speeches about history and about his vision of Japan’s history, in particular. When he first became a parliamentarian, in the early nineteen-nineties, inheriting his father’s seat, he was part of a study group inside Parliament that is believed to have written a document denying the Nanjing Massacre. This article used to be available in Japan’s Diet archives. It is no longer traceable, but it was there. Abe began in the mid-nineties, when there was an effort to really socially readdress Japan’s wartime role in Asia, after the death of Emperor Hirohito, in the wake of the first “comfort women” coming forward. That’s when Japanese political leaders really became more public about the positioning of their own parties’ views of Japan’s role in Asia, in a new, more strident way that sought to rewrite how Japan and the Japanese should see it.
Fast forward to his first term as Prime Minister, in 2006. By that time, these issues had been much better studied academically and socially within Japan and throughout the world. Abe made a big effort, in 2006 and 2007, to deny that Japan bore any state responsibility for the comfort women, in particular. And he failed at that attempt. This is when he and his supporters took out a full-page ad in the Washington Post. And it was a real moment of shock for him when the U.S. Congress passed a nonbinding House resolution asking Japan to atone for its role in creating the comfort-women system. That was also when he resigned for the first time because of his ulcerative colitis.
But, between 1994 and 2006, his chief lobbying group, called the Nippon Kaigi, was created—this political-lobbying group didn’t have much of a public face, but it emerged as an extremely powerful ideologically based group. And this is why comparing him to Trump and [India’s Prime Minister Narendra] Modi and other extremists—or people with extreme views or people who give voice to extreme views—is apt, because these groups seem to come out of nowhere for a lot of us. Like, who was Steve Bannon until there was Steve Bannon? Abe, in that interim between being a junior parliamentarian and becoming Prime Minister, had become this group’s head of history and territory. And, in that moment, he also published a work about making Japan great again, which he called “Towards a Beautiful Country.”
I just wanted to follow up on the Nanjing Massacre. Americans may know this as the Rape of Nanking, when, in 1937, Japanese soldiers killed hundreds of thousands of Chinese people and raped tens of thousands. And there have been some efforts in Japan to deny all this. What exactly was Abe arguing about this?
He argued several aspects of this in different places—specifically that much of it was a fabrication, that much of it was an effort by China to smear Japan, that, in fact, nowhere near the numbers of people as claimed had been massacred, and that in many cases it was the Chinese soldiers targeting the Japanese. And so this is really that kind of Holocaust denialism.
He’s a departure insofar as he comes as part of the backlash in the early to mid-nineties to many Japanese leaders, even those within Abe’s own party, beginning publicly to accept Japan’s responsibility for state-sponsored atrocities. This, in particular, is because, in Japan, until Emperor Hirohito died, in 1989, it was not possible for any public official, let alone any academic, to publicly discuss the role of the emperor and whether the emperor himself, or Japan in the name of the emperor, bore responsibility for these atrocities. And the hot-button issues are Nanjing and the comfort women and Abe’s visiting the Yasukuni Shrine.
The Chinese hated Abe not only because of his recent remarks on Taiwan but because he is a right wing nationalist who has ancestral links to war criminals; hence his annual visit to the Yasukuni Temple. He is a member of the Nippon Kagi group which amongst other things; sought to re-write history on WWII, Nanking murder, Comfort woman etc.
The following is an article from the New Yorker that better explains the Chinese behaviors.
How Shinzo Abe Sought to Rewrite Japanese History
https://www.newyorker.com/news/q-and-a/how-shinzo-abe-sought-to-rewrite-japanese-historyShinzo Abe, the former Prime Minister of Japan, was assassinated on Friday, in the city of Nara. A member of the Liberal Democratic Party, Abe had served in Japan’s highest elected office twice: the first time, for a year, starting in 2006, and the second time between 2012 and 2020. Abe came from a prominent political family—his father had been a foreign minister, and his grandfather had served as Prime Minister in the late nineteen-fifties after avoiding war-crimes charges—and remained one of the most powerful politicians in the country even after leaving office, in 2020. As Prime Minister, Abe sought to reëstablish Japan as a forceful presence in international affairs, and his policy to jumpstart the Japanese economy came to be known as Abenomics. He failed, however, in his push to revise Japan’s constitution to allow the country to take nondefensive military action abroad. Abe cultivated strong relationships with a number of world leaders, including Donald Trump and the former Australian Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull, but relationships in the Asia-Pacific region, especially with South Korea, were strained by Abe’s unwillingness to fully acknowledge Japan’s heinous behavior during the Second World War.
After Abe’s death, I spoke by phone with Alexis Dudden, a professor of history at the University of Connecticut who specializes in modern Japan and Korea. She was in Tokyo when we talked. During our conversation, which has been edited for length and clarity, we discussed Abe’s Second World War revisionism, his complicated feelings about America, and why his push to reform the Japanese constitution ultimately failed.
How do you see Abe’s legacy?
He was a Prime Minister who reconfigured Japan’s place in East Asia, or at least tried to. He tried to create a more assertive Japan through a very proactive—as he liked to describe it—attempt at diplomacy. And he travelled widely. He met with Vladimir Putin more than with any other world leader: more than twenty times. He did meet Xi Jinping, and he was the first foreign leader to meet Donald Trump after [Trump] became President. Abe, however, created a deep rift between Japan and its Asian neighbors over his extremely hawkish outlook, his extremist positions on the legacy of the Japanese empire, and its responsibilities for atrocities committed throughout Asia and the Pacific. While many are extolling him as a great leader, his personal vision for rewriting Japanese history, of a glorious past, created a real problem in East Asia which will linger, because it divided not just the different countries’ approach to diplomacy with Japan; it also divided Japanese society even further over how to approach its own responsibility for wartime actions carried out in the name of the emperor.
You used the phrase “rewriting history.” Do you mean rewriting the truth, or do you mean rewriting the way people in Japan understood their history? To what degree was Abe, when he came into office for the first time, in 2006, a departure from the way that Japan understood its own history? And to what degree was this more of the status quo, but just in a more aggressive fashion?
The helpful thing about studying Abe is that he himself published several articles and books, and he gave numerous speeches about history and about his vision of Japan’s history, in particular. When he first became a parliamentarian, in the early nineteen-nineties, inheriting his father’s seat, he was part of a study group inside Parliament that is believed to have written a document denying the Nanjing Massacre. This article used to be available in Japan’s Diet archives. It is no longer traceable, but it was there. Abe began in the mid-nineties, when there was an effort to really socially readdress Japan’s wartime role in Asia, after the death of Emperor Hirohito, in the wake of the first “comfort women” coming forward. That’s when Japanese political leaders really became more public about the positioning of their own parties’ views of Japan’s role in Asia, in a new, more strident way that sought to rewrite how Japan and the Japanese should see it.
Fast forward to his first term as Prime Minister, in 2006. By that time, these issues had been much better studied academically and socially within Japan and throughout the world. Abe made a big effort, in 2006 and 2007, to deny that Japan bore any state responsibility for the comfort women, in particular. And he failed at that attempt. This is when he and his supporters took out a full-page ad in the Washington Post. And it was a real moment of shock for him when the U.S. Congress passed a nonbinding House resolution asking Japan to atone for its role in creating the comfort-women system. That was also when he resigned for the first time because of his ulcerative colitis.
But, between 1994 and 2006, his chief lobbying group, called the Nippon Kaigi, was created—this political-lobbying group didn’t have much of a public face, but it emerged as an extremely powerful ideologically based group. And this is why comparing him to Trump and [India’s Prime Minister Narendra] Modi and other extremists—or people with extreme views or people who give voice to extreme views—is apt, because these groups seem to come out of nowhere for a lot of us. Like, who was Steve Bannon until there was Steve Bannon? Abe, in that interim between being a junior parliamentarian and becoming Prime Minister, had become this group’s head of history and territory. And, in that moment, he also published a work about making Japan great again, which he called “Towards a Beautiful Country.”
I just wanted to follow up on the Nanjing Massacre. Americans may know this as the Rape of Nanking, when, in 1937, Japanese soldiers killed hundreds of thousands of Chinese people and raped tens of thousands. And there have been some efforts in Japan to deny all this. What exactly was Abe arguing about this?
He argued several aspects of this in different places—specifically that much of it was a fabrication, that much of it was an effort by China to smear Japan, that, in fact, nowhere near the numbers of people as claimed had been massacred, and that in many cases it was the Chinese soldiers targeting the Japanese. And so this is really that kind of Holocaust denialism.
He’s a departure insofar as he comes as part of the backlash in the early to mid-nineties to many Japanese leaders, even those within Abe’s own party, beginning publicly to accept Japan’s responsibility for state-sponsored atrocities. This, in particular, is because, in Japan, until Emperor Hirohito died, in 1989, it was not possible for any public official, let alone any academic, to publicly discuss the role of the emperor and whether the emperor himself, or Japan in the name of the emperor, bore responsibility for these atrocities. And the hot-button issues are Nanjing and the comfort women and Abe’s visiting the Yasukuni Shrine.
Nangking massacre is nothing compared to what communists did to chinese people.
After communist takeover, about 15 million chinese landlords were executed. Put to death.their properties seized.
And that was just the start.
After communist takeover, about 15 million chinese landlords were executed. Put to death.their properties seized.
And that was just the start.
disgrace. this is why tiongs and the ccp are hated by much of the world. expect tiongs to get whacked in jippun. plus, sri lankans are gonna burn down tiong businesses for another reason.
Guess this Abe is a real thorn on the ChiCons rear end...if not they would actually be keeping quiet
Sinkies dunno the story behind Abe's family legacy behind ww2 and how he continued to antagonise China.
Just look at the number of the plane he chose to pose for a photo in:
Understand the hatred now?
Just look at the number of the plane he chose to pose for a photo in:
Understand the hatred now?
did the ccp fight japs in ww2?
https://tfiglobalnews.com/2021/12/0...ighting the Japanese and leading negotiations.
the ccp didn’t fight imperial japan. the kmt did.
https://thediplomat.com/2014/09/the-ccp-didnt-fight-imperial-japan-the-kmt-did/
https://tfiglobalnews.com/2021/12/0...ighting the Japanese and leading negotiations.
the ccp didn’t fight imperial japan. the kmt did.
https://thediplomat.com/2014/09/the-ccp-didnt-fight-imperial-japan-the-kmt-did/
The reason why ChiCon land is being antagonised....is bcos ChiCon land has been terrorising it's neighbours and it's own ppl....n heaps of nips has been involved in WW2...like heaps of Krauts, frogs, spaghetti munchers also involved in WW2...n look at Singkieland....the so called singkies translators for the nips are now singkies land most affluent n powderful. So if the Nips tyranny is an issue to singkies... perhaps they should clean out these collaborators 1st...
N also...how come no one kpkb about ChiCon tyranny? N the tyranny of the commies during the Emergency?
I give the nips credit for not being like in the past...it would help if the Nips did apologize for the war...but at least they are more repentant than the ChiCons
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