The Cultural Revolution in China (1966-1976)
The effects of the Cultural Revolution directly or indirectly touched essentially all of China's population. During the Cultural Revolution, much economic activity was halted, with "revolution", regardless of interpretation, being the primary objective of the country. The start of the Cultural Revolution brought huge numbers of Red Guards to Beijing, with all expenses paid by the government, and the railway system was in turmoil. Countless ancient buildings, artifacts, antiques, books, and paintings were destroyed by Red Guards. By December 1967, 350 million copies of Mao's Quotations had been printed.
Elsewhere, the 10 years of the Cultural Revolution also brought the education system to a virtual halt. The university entrance exams were cancelled during this period, not to be restored by Deng Xiaoping until 1979. Many intellectuals were sent to rural labour camps, and many of those who survived left China shortly after the revolution ended. Many survivors and observers suggest that almost anyone with skills over that of the average person was made the target of political "struggle" in some way. According to most Western observers as well as followers of Deng Xiaoping, this led to almost an entire generation of inadequately educated individuals.
However, this varies depending on the region, and the measurement of literacy did not resurface until the 1980s. Some counties in the Zhanjiang district, for example, had illiteracy rates as high as 41% some 20 years after the revolution. The leaders denied any illiteracy problems from the start. This effect was amplified by the elimination of qualified teachers—many of the districts were forced to rely upon chosen students to re-educate the next generation.
Mao Zedong Thought had become the central operative guide to all things in China. The authority of the Red Guards surpassed that of the army, local police authorities, and the law in general. China's traditional arts and ideas were ignored, with praise for Mao being practiced in their place. People were encouraged to criticize cultural institutions and to question their parents and teachers, which had been strictly forbidden in Confucian culture. This was emphasized even more during the Anti-Lin Biao; Anti-Confucius Campaign. Slogans such as "Parents may love me, but not as much as Chairman Mao" were common.
The Cultural Revolution also brought to the forefront numerous internal power struggles within the Communist party, many of which had little to do with the larger battles between Party leaders, but resulted instead from local factionalism and petty rivalries that were usually unrelated to the "revolution" itself. Because of the chaotic political environment, local governments lacked organization and stability, if they existed at all. Members of different factions often fought on the streets, and political assassination, particularly in rural-oriented provinces, was common. The masses spontaneously involved themselves in factions, and took part in open warfare against other factions. The ideology that drove these factions was vague and sometimes nonexistent, with the struggle for local authority being the only motivation for mass involvement.
The Cultural Revolution in Singapore (1961-now)
Can we say: Lim Chin Siong = Lin Biao and Lee Kuan Yew = Mao Zedong in Singapore story?
Lim co-founded the People's Action Party (PAP) in 1954 with Lee Kuan Yew . His popularity rose rapidly and he became the leader of Chinese workers, trade unions and Chinese middle school students in the 1950s. He was slim, youthful, dedicated, and had a handsome boyish face. His oratory as a speaker in the Hokkien dialect, among the Chinese masses was legendary. In his political memoir The Singapore Story, Lee Kuan Yew offered deserved praise to Lim's "hypnotic" oratory:
"...a ringing voice that flowed beautifully in his native Hokkien. The girls adored him, especially those in the trade unions. Once he got going after a cold start at the first two meetings, there was tremendous applause every time he spoke. By the end of the campaign, Lim Chin Siong was seen as a charismatic figure and a person to be reckoned with in Singapore politics and, what was of more immediate concern, within the PAP."
At the young age of 22, He was elected into the legislative assembly as a member for Bukit Timah in 1955 and together with Lee, represented the PAP in the 1956 constitutional talks in London.
In 1955, Lim and his close associate Fong Swee Suan instigated a labour strike by bus workers that resulted into the violent Hock Lee bus riots. He later led the Chinese Middle School riots in 1956 with further violence. The Chief Minister Lim Yew Hock suppressed the riots aggressively and Lim Chin Siong, with many other leftists, were arrested. The PAP promised to release Lim as one of its promises to the electorate in order to gain support, and thus honored that by freeing Lim in 1959 after winning the first General Election.
Lim later exited the Lee-led PAP which was trying to eliminate its own left-wing sections.
He then formed the Barisan Sosialis in 17 September 1961. After Singapore's referendum affirming merger with Malaysia, Lim Chin Siong and many opposition party members were detained under the Internal Security Act by the ruling PAP government via the notorious Operation Coldstore on 2 February 1963.
The Barisan Sosialis contested the 1963 general election while Singapore was a state of Malaysia. Though they put up a fierce fight, crippled by Operation Coldstore, they lost. This loss began Barisan Sosialis's eventual decline.
During detention, Lim was reported to be depressed and suicidal. He was finally released from prison on July 28, 1969 after forcibly renouncing politics and went into exile in London. He returned to Singapore in 1979 with his family. The Barisan Sosialis merged with the Workers' Party in 1988. Lim Chin Siong died of a heart attack on 5 February 1996.
The effects of the Cultural Revolution directly or indirectly touched essentially all of China's population. During the Cultural Revolution, much economic activity was halted, with "revolution", regardless of interpretation, being the primary objective of the country. The start of the Cultural Revolution brought huge numbers of Red Guards to Beijing, with all expenses paid by the government, and the railway system was in turmoil. Countless ancient buildings, artifacts, antiques, books, and paintings were destroyed by Red Guards. By December 1967, 350 million copies of Mao's Quotations had been printed.
Elsewhere, the 10 years of the Cultural Revolution also brought the education system to a virtual halt. The university entrance exams were cancelled during this period, not to be restored by Deng Xiaoping until 1979. Many intellectuals were sent to rural labour camps, and many of those who survived left China shortly after the revolution ended. Many survivors and observers suggest that almost anyone with skills over that of the average person was made the target of political "struggle" in some way. According to most Western observers as well as followers of Deng Xiaoping, this led to almost an entire generation of inadequately educated individuals.
However, this varies depending on the region, and the measurement of literacy did not resurface until the 1980s. Some counties in the Zhanjiang district, for example, had illiteracy rates as high as 41% some 20 years after the revolution. The leaders denied any illiteracy problems from the start. This effect was amplified by the elimination of qualified teachers—many of the districts were forced to rely upon chosen students to re-educate the next generation.
Mao Zedong Thought had become the central operative guide to all things in China. The authority of the Red Guards surpassed that of the army, local police authorities, and the law in general. China's traditional arts and ideas were ignored, with praise for Mao being practiced in their place. People were encouraged to criticize cultural institutions and to question their parents and teachers, which had been strictly forbidden in Confucian culture. This was emphasized even more during the Anti-Lin Biao; Anti-Confucius Campaign. Slogans such as "Parents may love me, but not as much as Chairman Mao" were common.
The Cultural Revolution also brought to the forefront numerous internal power struggles within the Communist party, many of which had little to do with the larger battles between Party leaders, but resulted instead from local factionalism and petty rivalries that were usually unrelated to the "revolution" itself. Because of the chaotic political environment, local governments lacked organization and stability, if they existed at all. Members of different factions often fought on the streets, and political assassination, particularly in rural-oriented provinces, was common. The masses spontaneously involved themselves in factions, and took part in open warfare against other factions. The ideology that drove these factions was vague and sometimes nonexistent, with the struggle for local authority being the only motivation for mass involvement.
The Cultural Revolution in Singapore (1961-now)
Can we say: Lim Chin Siong = Lin Biao and Lee Kuan Yew = Mao Zedong in Singapore story?
Lim co-founded the People's Action Party (PAP) in 1954 with Lee Kuan Yew . His popularity rose rapidly and he became the leader of Chinese workers, trade unions and Chinese middle school students in the 1950s. He was slim, youthful, dedicated, and had a handsome boyish face. His oratory as a speaker in the Hokkien dialect, among the Chinese masses was legendary. In his political memoir The Singapore Story, Lee Kuan Yew offered deserved praise to Lim's "hypnotic" oratory:
"...a ringing voice that flowed beautifully in his native Hokkien. The girls adored him, especially those in the trade unions. Once he got going after a cold start at the first two meetings, there was tremendous applause every time he spoke. By the end of the campaign, Lim Chin Siong was seen as a charismatic figure and a person to be reckoned with in Singapore politics and, what was of more immediate concern, within the PAP."
At the young age of 22, He was elected into the legislative assembly as a member for Bukit Timah in 1955 and together with Lee, represented the PAP in the 1956 constitutional talks in London.
In 1955, Lim and his close associate Fong Swee Suan instigated a labour strike by bus workers that resulted into the violent Hock Lee bus riots. He later led the Chinese Middle School riots in 1956 with further violence. The Chief Minister Lim Yew Hock suppressed the riots aggressively and Lim Chin Siong, with many other leftists, were arrested. The PAP promised to release Lim as one of its promises to the electorate in order to gain support, and thus honored that by freeing Lim in 1959 after winning the first General Election.
Lim later exited the Lee-led PAP which was trying to eliminate its own left-wing sections.
He then formed the Barisan Sosialis in 17 September 1961. After Singapore's referendum affirming merger with Malaysia, Lim Chin Siong and many opposition party members were detained under the Internal Security Act by the ruling PAP government via the notorious Operation Coldstore on 2 February 1963.
The Barisan Sosialis contested the 1963 general election while Singapore was a state of Malaysia. Though they put up a fierce fight, crippled by Operation Coldstore, they lost. This loss began Barisan Sosialis's eventual decline.
During detention, Lim was reported to be depressed and suicidal. He was finally released from prison on July 28, 1969 after forcibly renouncing politics and went into exile in London. He returned to Singapore in 1979 with his family. The Barisan Sosialis merged with the Workers' Party in 1988. Lim Chin Siong died of a heart attack on 5 February 1996.
