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'Operation Yellow Bird': How Tiananmen activists fled to freedom through Hong Kong

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'Operation Yellow Bird': How Tiananmen activists fled to freedom through Hong Kong


Inside Hongkongers' unlikely operation to help hundreds of dissidents flee the mainland

PUBLISHED : Monday, 26 May, 2014, 5:31am
UPDATED : Monday, 26 May, 2014, 11:16am

Jeffie Lam [email protected]

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The village house at Nai Chung village in Ma On Shan where the dissidents stayed before they were smuggled to overseas. Photo: Nora Tam

It still seems an impossible feat: a group of courageous Hongkongers helping to spirit hundreds of dissidents out of the mainland after the June 4 crackdown under the nose of the authorities.

As the 25th anniversary of the military action looms, evidence obtained by the Post fills in some of the gaps of the rescue codenamed "Operation Yellow Bird".

Activists would first be rescued and brought to Hong Kong, where they would be placed in safe houses before seeking political asylum overseas.

Secret codes were adopted to escape Beijing's monitoring in the form of medical bulletins.

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For example, when an operative left a message via pager saying, "Western doctor said it was heart disease", this meant the mission had been successful and the dissident had arrive safely in Hong Kong.

If the message read, "Chinese doctor said it was arthritis", it meant they were still waiting.

After making it to Hong Kong, dissidents would be allocated to one of a number of shelters in the New Territories.

The Nai Chung camp in Sai Kung was the biggest, hosting up to 30 activists at the peak of its capacity.

Camp residents were divided into groups and took turns with the cooking and other chores.

"I would drive the dissidents to the market at Heng On Estate in Ma On Shan to shop every morning and treated them to a McDonald's breakfast afterwards," said the Nai Chung camp leader, known as Tiger.

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The rescue missions required extensive negotiations and liaisons to succeed.

The Reverend Chu Yiu-ming, a core member of the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China, which organised the operation, filed numerous letters to persuade foreign governments to approve the dissidents' asylum applications.

"I wrote to churches in the US for help as the country required each applicant to be backed by local warrantors," Chu recalled.

In a letter obtained by the South China Morning Post dated November 9, 1989, the American Baptist Churches of Wisconsin informed Regina Murphy, the American consul-general at the time, that they would "pool efforts and resources together" to assist Chu's group to help the dissidents establish a normal life once they arrived in the US.

Chu, 70, is currently working on his memoirs.

THE TIGER'S TALE

Sitting in his home on the campus of Sichuan Normal University at Chengdu, Gao Ertai wondered when he would be free from fear.

It was 1992, three years after China's bloody crackdown on Tiananmen Square marchers. Gao, a painter renowned in China, had previously spent six years in a labour camp. After Tiananmen, he was sentenced to four months in prison for carrying out seditious acts. The thought of losing his freedom gnawed at him.

Finally he passed a message to his close friend, the author Zheng Yi, that he wanted to flee to Hong Kong, as Zheng had done a few months earlier.

"It is risky to flee, but it is even riskier to wait," Gao wrote. "Rather than hoping for enemies' negligence and friends' loyalty to live a helpless life on tenterhooks, it would be better to follow the unknown fate."

He was surprised when he heard a knock on the door and found a stranger from Hong Kong standing outside. Until that moment Gao had never thought he would permanently leave his homeland.

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Gao was one of 40 dissidents rescued by this young man from Hong Kong - a man who preferred to be called Tiger in an interview with the South China Morning Post.

He and many others took part in "Operation Yellow Bird", one of the most legendary underground activities backed by the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China.

That advocacy group, established by the city's late democracy icon, Szeto Wah, backed the Beijing student movement in 1989. The full details of the operation remain secret 25 years later.

While not everyone agrees on the origins of the operation's name, Reverend Chu Yiu-ming, a core member of the alliance and now an advocate for the Occupy Central democracy movement, told the Post that the it came from the Haitian folk song Yellow Bird:

You can fly away
In the sky away
You more lucky than me

"We wanted the activists to fly freely in the sky, just like the yellow birds," Chu said.

The alliance estimates that some 500 dissidents, including Beijing student leaders Wuer Kaixi, Chai Ling and Feng Congde, had been spirited from the mainland via Hong Kong to new lives overseas.

While approximately 150 activists were rescued directly by several Yellow Bird operatives including Tiger, the operation also paid for the costs to smuggle people out of China and offered financial assistance to those who made their own way to Hong Kong, Chu said.

"At first, I just wanted to help out a little bit and return to my business after a short while … but once I had got involved I could not stop, because no one was there to take over my role," Tiger said. In exchange for his talking about the operation, the Post agreed to withhold his name, age and other identifying details.

Tiger, a businessman who sold dried seafood, did not enter politics until his friends asked him to use his Shenzhen warehouse to host a few students who fled from Beijing.

Tiger later approached Chu, after which the pair worked closely on the secret project. The operation ended in 1997.

Tiger said he was the only person who offered what he called "one-stop help" for fleeing Chinese dissidents, helping them get asylum at consulates and find safety in Hong Kong.

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Back in 1992, Tiger arrived in Chengdu alone, not long after he received the message that Gao wanted to flee. That message came from Zheng, the former chairman of the Independent Chinese PEN Centre, a non-profit group of Chinese writers. Zheng had drawn a meticulous map leading Tiger to Gao and his wife, Pu Xiaoyu, at the university.

"The Sichuan Normal University held stringent security measures," Tiger said. "Gatekeepers would check everybody's ID. I was lucky because it rained heavily … and I rushed in under an umbrella. Then I found Gao … but he did not want to leave."

The artist told Tiger that he needed time to pack his books, paintings and research files. So the Hongkonger stayed in Gao's home for three days.

Tiger, Gao and Pu took a taxi around midnight from Chengdu to Chongqing, but the car got stuck in some m&d during a severe rainstorm.

Tiger decided to seek help from a nearby village where he paid 100 yuan to each person who helped move the car. "The most important thing you should have … when you're travelling in China is money," he said.

They rode south, from Wuhan to Jiujiang and then Guangzhou, Huidong and finally to Hong Kong.

Gao and his wife, also a famous painter, stayed a few months in the Mei Foo home of former lawmaker Cheung Man-kwong, sleeping in his bed.

The painter and his wife moved to Kam Tsin village in Sheung Shui, another shelter arranged for dissidents. They stayed with Gao's old friend Zheng and his wife Bei Ming.

The writers and painters made a perfect match, Tiger said. "During their stay there, Zheng would suggest topics for Gao to paint. These works were almost like joint projects by the two couples."

Gao created about 50 paintings during the nearly year-long stay in the city. Some later sold at auction for up to HK$200,000.

The couple made a rare public appearance in the alliance's art exhibition "The Dream of China" in 1993 before moving to the United States later that year.

Gao said in an e-mail that he and his wife remained grateful for the rescue mission. "We do hope someone who knows the story can write it in order to put these heroic deeds into history."



Smugglers mainly used four routes to whisk dissidents from Guangdong to Hong Kong: from Shekou to Tuen Mun's Castle Peak Power Station, Huidong to Chai Wan, Shanwei to Wong Chuk Hang and Nanao to Sai Kung.

Boat owners, some with triad connections, charged about HK$200,000 to move four to five passengers.

Dissidents could also choose the fifth "secret passage" - via Chung Ying Street in Sha Tau Kok, a street on the border between Hong Kong and mainland China where one side belonged to the then-British colony and the other to the mainland.

The dissidents would visit the jewellers and ask to use a toilet, then slip through the back door and run to a Hong Kong police outpost. There, they would explain they were June 4 participants seeking political asylum, Tiger said.

Hong Kong police never returned the six or seven activists who entered this way, he said.

Those who worked to spirit protesters from China used secret codes to verify the dissidents' identities. Some were simple, some complicated, adding a further layer of anxiety to a rescue.

Sometime in 1992 or 1993, Tiger travelled to Beijing to find Li Yu , the wife of Chinese businessman Wan Runnan , who provided material support for the demonstrators in Tiananmen Square. Wan had left the mainland ahead of Li.

Upon meeting Li, Tiger uttered the key phrase: "Please take me to eat Peking duck."

That was the sign she was supposed to leave for Hong Kong with this stranger. But to Tiger's dismay, she seemed puzzled.

"She asked me if I really wanted to eat duck," he said. "I told her to leave with me immediately."

Tiger had not anticipated a key obstacle in the operation: Li's elegance. The daughter of Li Chang , a revolutionary peer of former Communist Party chief Hu Yaobang, she was accustomed to living well.

Li, who had requested asylum in France, found it frustrating to stay with a fisherman's family in Huidong as she waited for a boat to Hong Kong.

Tiger tried to distract her with thoughts of a new wardrobe. "You must be dressed gorgeously when you arrived in France," he told her.

When she boarded the plane to Paris after eight days with the family, she was wearing a new frock Tiger had bought for her.

Operation Yellow Bird was not just about daring, cross-border rescues. It required a very clear division of labour. While Reverend Chu worked with foreign consulates to arrange visas for dissidents, Cheung liaised with the British officials.

"[The officials] had been very helpful. Not only did they allow the dissidents to stay in Hong Kong, they protected them, Cheung recollected. They even monitored the safety of dissidents in a safe house in Sai Kung.

Twenty-five years later, Tiger is still an ordinary businessman.

"No regrets at all," he said.


 

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Re: 'Operation Yellow Bird': How Tiananmen activists fled to freedom through Hong Kon


June 4, 1989 events in China still have a profound effect on Hong Kong's political scene


Twenty-five years after Beijing suppressed the pro-democracy movement, the events still have a profound effect on the political scene in the city

PUBLISHED : Monday, 26 May, 2014, 11:05pm
UPDATED : Tuesday, 27 May, 2014, 12:23am

Gary Cheung [email protected]

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Protesters attend a rally in Hong Kong in May 1989 backing China's pro-democracy movement. They include Martin Lee (far left), pro-Beijing trade unionist Cheng Yiu-tong (second from left) and Szeto Wah (far right). Photo: Oliver Tsang

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People still flock to Victoria Park in large numbers every year on June 4 to mark the anniversary of the 1989 suppression.Photo: AFP

The 1989 Tiananmen Square crackdown forever changed Martin Lee Chu-ming's political career and his ties with the mainland.

Two years earlier, Xu Jiatun, then director of the mainland's representative office in Hong Kong - the political arm of the Xinhua News Agency and predecessor to Beijing's liaison office here - offered to provide Lee, who was chairman of Hong Kong's Bar Association from 1980 to 1983, with financial help to form a political group.

Lee and fellow democrat Szeto Wah later co-founded the Hong Kong Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China, which organised protests against Beijing's suppression of the pro-democracy movement. The move was a bittersweet turn of events for Lee: From 1985, he had helped draft the Basic Law, Hong Kong's mini-constitution, with Beijing authorities.

The bloody crackdown in Beijing convulsed Hong Kong's political landscape. The violent response to peaceful protesters cemented a mistrust many Hongkongers have for the communist mainland. The current crop of Hong Kong pro-democracy activists has a tense relationship with Beijing. That strain has complicated the path to the 2017 elections for chief executive and the promises of universal suffrage made by Beijing.

Jiang Shigong , deputy director of Peking University's Centre for Hong Kong and Macau Studies, said the 1989 crackdown continued to feed tensions. "It has also intensified the anti-communist mentality among some Hongkongers," he said.

Both Lee and Szeto, the alliance chairman until his death in 2011, resigned from the Basic Law Drafting Committee after mainland authorities snuffed out the 1989 pro-democracy protests, killing hundreds. Lee went on to start the United Democrats of Hong Kong in 1990, and in 1994 merged it with another political group, Meeting Point, to form the Democratic Party.

Lee has been attacked by the mainland media since 1989. In April, state-run newspaper
Global Times and the overseas edition of
People's Daily ran caustic editorials condemning him and former chief secretary Anson Chan Fang On-sang for "inviting foreign intervention" during their two-week visit to Canada and the United States, where they met US Vice-President Joe Biden.

"I never regret taking part in supporting the pro-democracy movement 25 years ago. If you believe in democracy and 'one country, two systems', there is no reason for you not to come out to support the democracy movement on the mainland," Lee said in a recent interview with the
South China Morning Post.

In the early 1980s, many Hong Kong residents held great hope for China because the Communist Party's then general secretary, Hu Yaobang , had championed democratic freedoms and free speech. His ouster and 1989 death prompted the massive student demonstrations against corruption.

Last year, nearly 63 per cent of 1,013 people polled supported a reversal of Beijing's official verdict on the student movement, according to an annual survey conducted by the University of Hong Kong's public opinion programme of Hongkongers' views of the June 4 crackdown. By comparison, nearly 50 per cent wanted a reversal in 1997.

Sentiment in Hong Kong on the 1989 events later played out in local elections. In the 1991 Legislative Council poll, when direct elections were first introduced, the United Democrats won a landslide victory, clinching 12 of the 18 directly elected seats. Meeting Point secured another two seats.

Lee agreed the democrats had profited from the "June 4 effect" in Legco elections since the early 1990s. The golden rule that pan-democrats won 60 per cent of the popular vote and the government-friendly camp 40 per cent in Legco polls held true for two decades. However, the pan-democrats' share dropped to 56.6 per cent in the most recent Legco election in 2012.

Another consequence of the 1989 events was a tougher approach by Beijing to Hong Kong affairs after it found that some Hong Kong people had sent funds and supplies to students in Beijing during the anti-government protests.

The friction was captured in the language used in various drafts of the Basic Law and in particular in debate over a law intended to prevent subversion.

The first draft of the miniconstitution, released in 1988, stated that the special administrative region shall prohibit any act designed to undermine national unity or "subvert" the central government.

The second draft, issued four months before the crackdown, stipulated that Hong Kong "shall enact laws on its own to prohibit any act of treason, secession, sedition, or theft of state secrets". "I fought vigorously to eliminate the word 'subversion' in the relevant clause in the second draft," Lee said.

The Basic Law Drafting Committee, which resumed its work at the end of 1989 without Lee, reinserted the word "subversion" and broadened the scope of Article 23 in the final draft, which was subsequently incorporated into the Basic Law. The article reads: "The Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall enact laws on its own to prohibit any act of treason, secession, sedition, subversion against the Central People's Government, or theft of state secrets ... and to prohibit political organisations or bodies of the region from establishing ties with foreign political organisations or bodies."

Academics believed that the more conservative version was adopted because of Beijing's fear that Hong Kong would become a centre for activities hostile to the central government.

But the Hong Kong government's attempt to enact laws to implement Article 23 failed after it shelved national security legislation following a 500,000-strong march against the move on July 1, 2003.

Beijing made minor concessions on Hong Kong's democratic development in the face of Hong Kong people's growing calls for democracy in the wake of the 1989 crackdown.

Shortly after the pro-democracy movement in Beijing was crushed, 11 Hong Kong Basic Law drafters sent a joint letter to the central government calling for a faster pace of democracy in the city. In early 1990, then Chinese foreign minister Qian Qichen and his British counterpart, Douglas Hurd, exchanged seven diplomatic letters in which the two governments agreed to limit the number of directly elected Legco seats in 1991 to 18, and then 20 in 1995.

The last-minute "exchanges" came just days before the Basic Law Drafting Committee put the final touches to the post-1997 mini-constitution.

There were also repercussions for the Chinese Communist Party. A few days after the 1989 crackdown, Ho Ming-sze quit the party, which he had joined in 1939. He had held a prominent position - head of the united front work department in the mainland's representative office - on his retirement in 1988. He announced his resignation from the party in an advertisement placed in a Chinese-language newspaper, the
Hong Kong Economic Journal.

"The Communist Party suppressed its people in a bloody and unreasonable manner. It goes against the principle of the party which vows to fight for the betterment of the Chinese people," he said.

Ho, who was also deputy secretary-general of Xinhua's Hong Kong branch before his retirement, emigrated to Canada after the crackdown. However, Henry Fok Ying-tung, a Beijing-friendly multibillionaire, persuaded him to return to Hong Kong in the early 1990s to help him develop Nansha , a technology development zone south of Guangzhou.

Twenty-five years later, Ho, who in 1989 donated hundreds of thousands of dollars to the Alliance in Support of Patriotic Democratic Movements in China, said he still believed there were no grounds for the mainland authorities to open fire on the pro-democracy protesters.

But at the same time he questions whether the prodemocracy movement was as simple and spontaneous as many people believed. "I'm not so sure whether there was any intervention by political forces from Western countries in the pro-democracy movement," said Ho, now 92. "As a Chinese, I do hope our country maintains stability."

Mainland authorities blamed "agents from hostile foreign forces" for masterminding the 1989 protests.

Also looking back at events in 1989, advertising industry veteran Leonie Ki Man-fung said she was advised to leave Hong Kong by Nobel Prize-winning economist Milton Friedman, who said the "one country, two systems" formula would not work.

"In order to prove him wrong, I set up my advertising agency in Beijing in 1992. I wanted to see for myself, and judge by myself. Today, I am a showcase for going north," said Ki, now an executive director of New World Development, a listed company in Hong Kong.

Ki expresses empathy for the Chinese leadership and their difficulties in trying to handle the protests. "The Chinese government learned a lesson after the crackdown and made a better future for the country by speeding up economic reform. But it broke the trust with the people by suppressing the pro-democracy movement," she said.

 
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