<TABLE border=0 cellSpacing=0 cellPadding=0 width="100%"><TBODY><TR>People value not the right to vote, but the right to a peaceful life
</TR><!-- headline one : end --><!-- show image if available --></TBODY></TABLE>
<!-- START OF : div id="storytext"--><!-- more than 4 paragraphs -->THE publication of internal Communist Party documents (the Tiananmen Papers), as well as the late Chinese leader Zhao Ziyang's memoirs (Prisoner Of The State), has allowed a dispassionate analysis of the Tiananmen incident, deriving useful lessons for developing democracies as we approach the 20th anniversary of this momentous event.
In 1989, the five-man Politburo Standing Committee could not agree on a united strategy to face the popular public display of dissatisfaction at governance in China; two favoured negotiations, two favoured a crackdown while the third hedged his bets. This resulted in intense lobbying by both factions of Deng Xiaoping who, although officially retired, was the one making important decisions. The side that got to Deng first publicly announced his privately expressed anger at the student demonstrators, thus starting on the road leading inevitably to violence.
The lesson to be learnt is that those with the responsibility of governance must keep differences under control, avoid excessive politicking and not seek total victory, whatever the consequences. Because of June 4, 1989, China's reforms and development stagnated until Deng reignited them with his famous Southern Tour of Shenzen in 1992, arguing that 'to get rich is glorious'. There is a message here for future political protagonists in a more liberal Singapore.
In telling his story, Zhao expressed frustration at the difficulty in negotiating with the diverse groups making up the Tiananmen demonstrators, and their constantly shifting demands. Thus, in a young democracy unused to loud and aggressive debate, it is important that public demonstrations are avoided, and extreme demands be deprived of publicity. Instead of having opponents criticise the extremists of one side, it may be better for the country if unacceptable views are checked by one's own party. This makes it more likely for a negotiated outcome to prevail. After all, in the United States, a liberal Republican often agrees with a conservative Democrat.
In 1989, Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev was hailed as a hero, not just in the Soviet Union but around the world. In the last Russian election in which he stood, Mr Gorbachev obtained less than 5 per cent of the votes cast. Over the past 20 years, China has become the world's third largest economy, and the US Treasury Secretary is in Beijing seeking continued Chinese purchase of US debts. Many are thus relieved that Zhao, although earnest, did not win the debate in 1989.
Ultimately, people value not the right to vote as some in America seem to be saying, but the right to a peaceful life and a decent rice-bowl. Aspiring politicians will do well to remember that Singaporeans will be on the side of those who can deliver a better quality of life.
Dr Ong Hean Teik Penang, Malaysia
</TR><!-- headline one : end --><!-- show image if available --></TBODY></TABLE>
<!-- START OF : div id="storytext"--><!-- more than 4 paragraphs -->THE publication of internal Communist Party documents (the Tiananmen Papers), as well as the late Chinese leader Zhao Ziyang's memoirs (Prisoner Of The State), has allowed a dispassionate analysis of the Tiananmen incident, deriving useful lessons for developing democracies as we approach the 20th anniversary of this momentous event.
In 1989, the five-man Politburo Standing Committee could not agree on a united strategy to face the popular public display of dissatisfaction at governance in China; two favoured negotiations, two favoured a crackdown while the third hedged his bets. This resulted in intense lobbying by both factions of Deng Xiaoping who, although officially retired, was the one making important decisions. The side that got to Deng first publicly announced his privately expressed anger at the student demonstrators, thus starting on the road leading inevitably to violence.
The lesson to be learnt is that those with the responsibility of governance must keep differences under control, avoid excessive politicking and not seek total victory, whatever the consequences. Because of June 4, 1989, China's reforms and development stagnated until Deng reignited them with his famous Southern Tour of Shenzen in 1992, arguing that 'to get rich is glorious'. There is a message here for future political protagonists in a more liberal Singapore.
In telling his story, Zhao expressed frustration at the difficulty in negotiating with the diverse groups making up the Tiananmen demonstrators, and their constantly shifting demands. Thus, in a young democracy unused to loud and aggressive debate, it is important that public demonstrations are avoided, and extreme demands be deprived of publicity. Instead of having opponents criticise the extremists of one side, it may be better for the country if unacceptable views are checked by one's own party. This makes it more likely for a negotiated outcome to prevail. After all, in the United States, a liberal Republican often agrees with a conservative Democrat.
In 1989, Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev was hailed as a hero, not just in the Soviet Union but around the world. In the last Russian election in which he stood, Mr Gorbachev obtained less than 5 per cent of the votes cast. Over the past 20 years, China has become the world's third largest economy, and the US Treasury Secretary is in Beijing seeking continued Chinese purchase of US debts. Many are thus relieved that Zhao, although earnest, did not win the debate in 1989.
Ultimately, people value not the right to vote as some in America seem to be saying, but the right to a peaceful life and a decent rice-bowl. Aspiring politicians will do well to remember that Singaporeans will be on the side of those who can deliver a better quality of life.
Dr Ong Hean Teik Penang, Malaysia
