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Chitchat More Hongkies going Gila over a Silly Fugitives Bill and living in tiny cage homes - Huat Arh!

Asterix

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Hong Kong’s recent turmoil has led to an alarming surge in calls for emotional support, with specialists warning of an increase in suicidal thoughts and urging the government to immediately address a potential mental health crisis.

Samaritan Befrienders, a suicide prevention group, said on Wednesday that it had received 42 calls for help since June 9. Clarence Tsang, the group’s chief executive, said all the calls were “bill related”, referring to the government’s unpopular extradition bill that march organisers claimed brought millions of Hongkongers to the streets last month.

Tsang said the number of calls was about five times higher than the number received by the group from March to May. The number of calls the group received during the Occupy protests was not available on Wednesday.

The Hong Kong Red Cross said it had received 99 calls on its psychological support hotline since June 12. That was the day police used tear gas, beanbag rounds and rubber bullets to disperse thousands of protesters occupying roads around the government headquarters and the Legislative Council.

“This is a public mental health situation,” Tsang said.

Paul Yip Siu-fai, director of the Centre for Suicide Prevention at the University of Hong Kong, went further.

“The whole society has fallen into hysteria due to a volcanic eruption of the deep-seated identity crisis triggered by the bill,” he said.

“People are upset, worrying about the safety of others and feeling uncertain about their own life. I have never seen Hongkongers so unsettled and troubled by the feeling that nothing is under control.”

Yip said these factors could lead to an outbreak of depression and extreme acts.

Three deaths that included suicide notes or other references to the current crisis have been recorded since the mass protests began last month.

At least two suicide attempts on Wednesday went viral online, sparking fears of copycat behaviour and suicidal thoughts among Hong Kong’s young people.

Tsang said his group had sent an outreach team to protest areas since June 9 and had handled 24 cases of emotional disturbances, most involving young Hongkongers under or just above 20 years old.

Some said they felt hopeless and suicidal, according to Tsang.

“They were saying things like, ‘I fear nothing. The worst I can get is a real bullet. I can’t achieve anything anyway’,” Tsang said.

Chief Executive Carrie Lam Cheng Yuet-ngor suspended the bill in response to mass demonstrations, but protesters insisted that it be scrapped and escalated their actions.

On Monday, the anniversary of Hong Kong’s return to China’s rule, desperate young protesters broke into the Legislative Council by smashing open more than a dozen glass windows.

Labour Party lawmaker Fernando Cheung Chiu-hung said many protesters were unafraid of dying – and some felt indebted to the three Hongkongers who lost their lives.

A protester at the head of the mob was heard shouting to lawmakers who tried to stop him: “Get out of my way. My schoolmate died. You can’t stop me!”

Tsang urged protesters to take a break from protesting if they felt overwhelmed.

“A long campaign needs breaks,” Tsang said. “And when you feel there is no way out, talk to someone positive to avoid a snowballing of negative emotions.”

Tsang continued: “The government’s response affects people’s emotions. All I can say is that the government has yet to handle the situation and it could have done better.”
 
The violence must be incited by HK gangsters trying to protect themselves from being extradited to China and facing stiffer punishments!
 
And look at how the hongkies that broke into legislative council want to put back the UK HK flag there is so disgusting indeed proving Cantonese are always ganging up with OTHERS to harm chinese.
 
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How Hong Kong's relationship with Beijing went from cautious optimism to fear of a siege
BY IRIS ZHAO AND ALAN WEEDONTHU AT 3:11AM
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PHOTO
Protesters have used symbols of British Hong Kong to highlight the territory's promised autonomy.
AP: KIN CHEUNG
Hong Kong's streets have been racked by unrest in recent weeks as an unprecedented number of protesters marched to demand the Government withdraw a controversial extradition bill.
Key points:
  • Relations between the mainland and Hong Kong had been cordial before the handover
  • Today Hongkongers are more likely to view themselves as separate from China
  • Many are critical about China's Hong Kong policies such as prioritising Mandarin over Cantonese
But what began as protests against the Hong Kong Government's plans to allow extraditions to mainland China, among other judications, has since snowballed into a broader political fight about the territory's guaranteed autonomy.
Last week, an annual survey of more than 1,000 Hongkongers found their "pride" in being a part of China plunged to a record low since Britain handed over the territory in 1997.
The survey, which has tracked public sentiment over the past 22 years, found those who were proud of becoming a Chinese citizen plummeted from more than 38 per cent last year to just under 27 per cent this year.
EMBED:Datawrapper Hong Kong survey
Tensions boiled over most recently in Hong Kong's Parliament this week after protesters broke into the Legislative Council, scrawled graffiti on its walls and unfurled the British Hong Kong's flag on the speaker's seat.
But relations between the territory and the mainland have not always been sour.
The Great Escape and 'Yellow Bird'
PHOTO Hong Kong operated an open border with mainland China before 1950.
UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN: MILWAUKEE LIBRARY DIGITAL COLLECTIONS, HARRISON FORMAN COLLECTION

Historically Hongkongers' concerns have been anti-Communist — not anti-Chinese — and throughout the 20th century there were many instances of cross-border solidarity.
A soldier remembers Tiananmen

2019 marks the 30th anniversary of the Tiananmen Square massacre — a bloody crackdown on a pro-democracy movement erased from history in China, but still remembered by the people who witnessed the chaos that swept Beijing.
Before 1950, Chinese people were free to move between the mainland and Hong Kong without a visa.
Around 800,000 mainlanders arrived in Hong Kong in 1949 after Communist Party took power. A year later, Hong Kong's population skyrocketed to 2 million.
In the decades after Communist rule solidified, waves of Chinese people found safety in Hong Kong after they fled over sea and land — a period known as the Great Escape — in turn fuelling the city's economic rise.
Following the 1989 Tiananmen Square Massacre, Hongkongers helped hundreds of Chinese activists flee and eventually find asylum overseas in an organised action known as the "Yellow Bird".
That massacre stoked fears among Hongkongers about Beijing's forthcoming rule.
Thatcher did not believe Hong Kong wanted democracy
But history shows that Hong Kong's political elite viewed China's rule with cautious optimism during the years of negotiations that led to Britain's handover of the territory in 1997.
The mainland guaranteed British law, capitalism and other freedoms would endure for another 50 years within a "one country, two systems" framework, but over the past decade, many Hongkongers feel that Beijing has betrayed its promises under the 1984 Sino-British joint declaration — the document that paved the way for the handover.
A timeline of key events

When Britain handed Hong Kong back to China in 1997, remaining citizens were promised British capitalism and laws. In the intervening years, some argue that Beijing has squandered its promises.
"It should be remembered that [former Chinese paramount leader] Deng Xiaoping's reforms promised a measure of opening up and a certain relaxation of press freedoms," Professor John Keane, a professor of politics at the University of Sydney, told the ABC.
"From the point of view of elites in Hong Kong — as there was no popular input on the handover — it was plausible that Beijing might honour the rule of law, press freedoms, and the civil freedoms of Hong Kong.
"Well it's turned out differently."​
The joint declaration made no explicit mention of democracy and on the 20th anniversary of Hong Kong's handover, China said the document was not binding and "no longer had any practical significance".
At the time of Britain's negotiations with China over the future of Hong Kong during the 1980s, Professor Keane explained that former prime minister Margaret Thatcher — along with British negotiators — worked from the assumption that Hongkongers "would not be interested in democracy".
Instead, he said the British assumption was that Hongkongers would be "interested in money".
'Neutering' Hong Kong, economically and politically
PHOTO Hong Kong's neighbouring city of Shenzen has usurped Hong Kong to become one of China's economic powerhouses.
WIKIMEDIA COMMONS: SIMBAXU

Hong Kong was once indispensable to China's rise, as the territory's GDP was equivalent to 18 per cent of China's total GDP in 1997.
By 2018, Hong Kong's GDP share fell to 2.6 per cent of China's.
Professor Lui Tai-lok, sociologist and vice president of Education University of Hong Kong, told the Taiwanese publication United Daily News that Hong Kong's political elite failed to anticipate the sheer scale and speed of China's economic reforms that would come to outshine Hong Kong.
"Back then, 'one country, two systems' was made to solve the problem between socialism and capitalism but Hong Kong didn't expect the fast development in the mainland," Professor Lui said.​
A British past and Chinese future

Take a look at how Hong Kong's near-200-year history has shaped the territory while prompting the largest protests in its history.
But from Beijing's perspective, Professor Keane said, the spoils of handover were obvious.
"Hong Kong offered a zone of territory which had a pretty well developed system of rule of law, relatively incorrupt business and banking institutions, and would be a kind of free trade platform from which China's new economic reforms could be launched globally."
In the years since Hong Kong was returned to China, Professor Keane said that the territory has experienced a "quiet, slow motion siege" from Beijing.
He said China's large investment in high-tech manufacturing hubs, such as the city of Shenzhen, was a clear example of Beijing's attempt to "neuter" Hong Kong's input in the country's political economy.
Shenzhen's annual GDP surpassed Hong Kong's for the first time in 2018.
"When you put all of that together, a picture develops of Hong Kong as a concession: A territory which is just a part of a wider mosaic of power," Professor Keane said.​
Hong Kong-Australians lack trust in China
PHOTO Some Hongkongers feel that they have lost out since the territory was transferred to Beijing's rule.
ABC NEWS: BRANT CUMMING

In the wake of recent events, Annabella Chan, a Hong Kong-born nurse who now lives in Australia, told the ABC that she has gradually "come to the idea that China is not trustworthy".
'Everyone is feeling more despair'

A look back at Hong Kong's handover to China 21 years later.
This is a sentiment shared by Billy Mo, a Hong Kong-born Australian, whose perspective on Beijing has soured despite moving back to Hong Kong after the handover.
He told the ABC that in recent years "many can't live with the Chinese way of managing Hong Kong", which he said results from a mixture of concrete policies such as prioritising Mandarin over Cantonese, along with generalised envy regarding the economic power of mainlanders.
Ultimately, he said that China's dominance has sealed Hong Kong's fate.
"Hong Kong [is] more and more relying on China," he said.
"Even though people are not ready to bear with it, it's already a matter of fact."​
 
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Carrie Lam has lost control of Hong Kong protests and Beijing's support
ANALYSIS BY TING SHIUPDATED THU AT 10:38AM
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PHOTO
Carrie Lam's leadership is damaged but she is here to stay.
AP: VINCENT YU, FILE
Unprecedented violence broke out in the downtown area of Hong Kong this week as the city teetered on its most turbulent moment since the return to Chinese rule 22 years ago.
Radical protesters smashed into the city's parliament building, vandalised the premises and briefly took over the chamber for the first time in history.
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VIDEO 0:31
Hundreds of protesters swarmed the building, smashing furniture and plastering graffiti on the walls. (Image: AP)
ABC NEWS
It was the third major protest in a month, triggered by a controversial extradition bill. But this protest struck a qualitatively different note from the previous two, held on June 9 and 16.
The earlier protests were marked by peaceful rallies with people humming "Hallelujah to the Lord". This time, a corner has been turned.
We are now witnessing a situation that has every possibility of escalating out of control.​
What should Carrie Lam do now?

PHOTO Beijing must have been watching developments in Hong Kong over the past few weeks with horror and disbelief.
AP: KIN CHEUNG

The road ahead for Hong Kong's chief executive, Carrie Lam, is paradoxical, to put it mildly.
As tempting as resignation might appear to her on a personal level right now, it's simply not possible.
The decision to resign lies well outside the scope of Ms Lam's political choices and is a decision Beijing alone can make.
The image of Carrie Lam admitting she's "outraged and distressed" at a press conference she called inside police headquarters, at the unbelievable hour of 4:00am on July 2, makes it abundantly clear that she is both politically and temperamentally unfit for governing Hong Kong in the post Occupy Central era.
The rapid descent into chaos in a city known for order could have been avoided were she less "arrogant" — the favourite adjective Hong Kong's local press has adopted to describe her.
That covers a whole range of political incompetence from gross underestimation of public distrust of the central Government in Beijing, to stubborn aversion to simply having a dialogue with the opposition lawmakers, let alone young activists.
Will Beijing intervene?
Beijing must have been watching developments in Hong Kong over the past few weeks with horror and disbelief.
The final judgement on the Lam administration's ability to govern came last night.
The oddly inefficient behaviour of the Hong Kong police, once touted Asia's finest, would appear to be the final nail in the coffin for Ms Lam's team.
PHOTO This time riot police did not intervene.
ABC NEWS: KATHRYN DISS

Riot police stood by inside the legislature building throughout the day, without intervention, while the crowd continued its rampage outside.
Criticism of "police brutality" during the June 12 clashes with protesters clearly influenced their actions. But in the eyes of Beijing's hardliners this reaction reads as not being equipped to handle a crisis situation.
In crude terms: if the one million-strong protest on June 9 marked the moment Ms Lam completely lost the public support of Hong Kong citizens, the two million-strong rally on June 16 was the day after Ms Lam sold her proposal on indefinitely suspending the extradition bill as sufficient to pacify the situation at a reported meeting across the border in Shenzhen with the Chinese Communist Party's top Hong Kong affairs official.
It hit home in the Beijing leadership that they had chosen the wrong person for Hong Kong's top office.
Will Carrie Lam lose the leadership?
This week's violence on the July 1 has signalled the moment when Beijing decides Carrie Lam and her team have lost control of Hong Kong.
It would not be surprising if Beijing has already started to think about a Plan B.
But it is also not surprising that Beijing has not yet publicly disowned Ms Lam. A move like that would appear as caving in to protesters, and set a dangerous precedence for which Chinese leader Xi Jinping has no appetite.
The pro-Beijing view

Hong Kong has been swept up in protests over a proposed extradition bill, but does China have a point about crime?
And with no obvious successor in sight (Ms Lam's number two, Chief Secretary Matthew Cheung, is also widely unpopular), a quick and forced change of administration in Hong Kong would only destabilise the situation further and displease stability-obsessed, authoritarian leaders in Beijing.
In the short term, Lam is here to stay.​
Instead, while plotting a sustainable succession plan and ensuring the situation doesn't deteriorate further, Beijing is happy to allow Ms Lam to continue shouldering the burden of public blame.
What is the reaction in Beijing?
So far, there has been little direct Chinese Government intervention in the street protests in Hong Kong.
Beijing has given verbal support to the Lam Government and that's about it.
PHOTO Stabilising its relationship with the US remains a priority for Beijing.
AP: SUSAN WALSH

This rather restrained approach is likely to continue as Beijing faces more urgent external pressures, particularly in its relationship with the United States.
The last thing Beijing wants now is for Hong Kong's status as one of Asia's premier financial hubs undermined in the middle of its possibly thawing trade tensions with the US.
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VIDEO 4:26
Hong Kong identity is torn between two stakeholders
ABC NEWS
So what's next?
The next few weeks will be crucial for Ms Lam.
Her promise to "heal the society" is near impossible thanks to her lack of political acumen.
Instead, Ms Lam's task now is to minimise further damage and prevent Hong Kong from descending into lawlessness.
To that end, she'll have Beijing's backing.
Without her making concessions, the situation in Hong Kong will not gradually "return to normal" as many moderate citizens expect.​
Ms Lam has already apologised several times. But most in Hong Kong are sceptical of her remorse which they view as "empty promises".
In fact, Lam's political weakness has led to protesters upgrading their demands which now include something practically impossible: dismissing the Legislative Council (LegCo) with an executive order and at once carry out universal suffrage for both the LegCo and the Chief Executive elections.
Had she agreed to completely shelve the extradition bill that's already technically dead, the demands would be easier to handle.​
Now, the protesters' other demands, setting up an independent investigation committee on the June 12 clashes and having a dialogue with young activists, might appear offensive to Lam's political palate.
They are still low-hanging fruit in her effort to normalise the situation.
PHOTO Hong Kong saw 79 days of protests in 2014.
REUTERS: TYRONE SIU

Of course, Ms Lam and Beijing, might be harbouring the hope that public opinion will turn around, just like they did in the later stages of the 79-day 2014 Occupy protests.
But it is safe to say that the violent demonstrations on July 1 are harmful to the protesters' larger cause, which will need broader public support.
Ting Shi is a Hong Kong-based journalist and honorary lecturer at Hong Kong University's journalism school.
POSTED WED AT 4:02AM
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Even chinese in hong kong reject chinese rule. What more xinjiang
 
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