<TABLE cellSpacing=0 cellPadding=0 width="100%" border=0><TBODY><TR>Georgia: Where MM Lee is right, and where he's not quite so...
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<!-- START OF : div id="storytext"--><!-- more than 4 paragraphs -->ONE could not agree more with Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew's argument on the means Russia has been using to split the European Union's common stance, 'Navigating the new world order' (Sept 27).
Yes, the Nord Stream pipeline project may be seen as flowing against any logic of the EU's basic principle of solidarity. This is especially true in the face of a clear discrepancy between European and Russian perceptions of what constitutes 'energy security' . And yes, there are seasoned politicians in Europe who perhaps should start the day with reciting mea culpa's. But this time though, Europe's reaction was different.
It has - during an extraordinary summit - agreed on a common line. Thus, it is difficult to fully agree with MM Lee's argument that Europe's response to the Georgian crisis should be perceived as 'a weakening of the Western position'.
Europe has shown a very unified and strong resolve to the crisis. It has collectively and unanimously disagreed with Russia, effectively brokered an agreement in which Moscow accepted status quo ante and deployed a European Security and Defence Policy mission on the ground.
That mission consists of 200 EU observers responsible not only for monitoring the political environment, rule of law and human rights situation, but foremost, the implementation of the peace plan, with emphasis on the withdrawal of Russian troops from the areas bordering South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
Relations with Russia are not a zero sum game. There is a consensus in Europe that Russia should be part of the broadly defined West. We share common challenges which could be tackled only through cooperation.
The Georgian conflict does not implicate an initiation of a new trend in Russia's foreign policies. If it did, Russia would indeed be the winner in the first round, as Moscow was bound to win in a field where it had an enormous advantage over Georgia. The conflict, however, is in the interest neither of the West nor Russia, as it would be a major setback for Moscow in terms of internal politics and economy.
A question we should be asking ourselves now is: What is it that Russia wants for itself?
The French President, Mr Nicolas Sarkozy, who leads the EU as Paris holds the rotating presidency, has put it in a more direct way: 'Does it want confidence and cooperation, or does it want distrust and an increasing tension? The EU would welcome a real partnership with Russia which is in the interest of all. But it takes two to tango and to have a partnership.'
The ball is now in the Russian court. Boguslaw Marcin Majewski
Ambassador of the Republic of Poland
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<!-- START OF : div id="storytext"--><!-- more than 4 paragraphs -->ONE could not agree more with Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew's argument on the means Russia has been using to split the European Union's common stance, 'Navigating the new world order' (Sept 27).
Yes, the Nord Stream pipeline project may be seen as flowing against any logic of the EU's basic principle of solidarity. This is especially true in the face of a clear discrepancy between European and Russian perceptions of what constitutes 'energy security' . And yes, there are seasoned politicians in Europe who perhaps should start the day with reciting mea culpa's. But this time though, Europe's reaction was different.
It has - during an extraordinary summit - agreed on a common line. Thus, it is difficult to fully agree with MM Lee's argument that Europe's response to the Georgian crisis should be perceived as 'a weakening of the Western position'.
Europe has shown a very unified and strong resolve to the crisis. It has collectively and unanimously disagreed with Russia, effectively brokered an agreement in which Moscow accepted status quo ante and deployed a European Security and Defence Policy mission on the ground.
That mission consists of 200 EU observers responsible not only for monitoring the political environment, rule of law and human rights situation, but foremost, the implementation of the peace plan, with emphasis on the withdrawal of Russian troops from the areas bordering South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
Relations with Russia are not a zero sum game. There is a consensus in Europe that Russia should be part of the broadly defined West. We share common challenges which could be tackled only through cooperation.
The Georgian conflict does not implicate an initiation of a new trend in Russia's foreign policies. If it did, Russia would indeed be the winner in the first round, as Moscow was bound to win in a field where it had an enormous advantage over Georgia. The conflict, however, is in the interest neither of the West nor Russia, as it would be a major setback for Moscow in terms of internal politics and economy.
A question we should be asking ourselves now is: What is it that Russia wants for itself?
The French President, Mr Nicolas Sarkozy, who leads the EU as Paris holds the rotating presidency, has put it in a more direct way: 'Does it want confidence and cooperation, or does it want distrust and an increasing tension? The EU would welcome a real partnership with Russia which is in the interest of all. But it takes two to tango and to have a partnership.'
The ball is now in the Russian court. Boguslaw Marcin Majewski
Ambassador of the Republic of Poland
