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GAZA -The Untold Story And Its Dilemma

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Gaza: The Untold Story

By Ramzy Baroud

It’s incomprehensible that a region such as the Gaza Strip, so rich with history, so saturated with defiance, can be reduced to a few blurbs, sound bites and reductionist assumptions, convenient but deceptive, vacant of any relevant meaning, or even true analytical value.
The fact is that there is more to the Gaza Strip than 1.5 million hungry Palestinians, who are supposedly paying the price for Hamas’s militancy, or Israel’s ‘collective punishment’ whichever way the media decide to brand the problem.

More importantly, Gaza’s existence since time immemorial must not be juxtaposed with its proximity to Israel, failure or success in ‘providing’ a tiny Israeli town - itself built on conquered land that was seen only 60 years ago as part of the Gaza province - with its need for security. It’s this very expectation that made the killing and wounding of thousands of Palestinians in Gaza a price worth paying, in the callous eyes of many.

These unrealistic expectations and disregard of important history will continue to be costly, and will only serve the purpose of those interested in swift generalizations.

Yes, Gaza might be economically dead, but its current struggles and tribulations are consistent with a legacy of conquerors, colonialism and foreign occupations, and more, its people’s collective triumph in rising above the tyranny of those invaders.

In relatively recent history, Gaza became a recurring story following the 1948 influx of refugees, who were driven from their homes by Zionist militias or fled for their families’ sake, hoping to return once Palestine was recovered. They settled in Gaza, subsisting in absolute poverty, a situation that continues, more or less, to this day.

The history of Gaza, and the place itself was largely irrelevant, if not revolting from the point of view of the refugees who poured into the Strip mostly from the south of Palestine, for it represented the pinnacle of their loss, humiliation and, at times, despair. It mattered little to the peasant refugees as they fled to Gaza that that they probably walked on the same ancient road that ran along the Palestinian coast when Gaza was once the last metropolis for travellers to Egypt, just before they embarked on an unforgiving desert journey through Sinai.

So what if Gaza was described as the city, as told in the Book of Judges, where Samson performed his famous deed and perished. Christianity was relevant to the refugees insofar as a few of Gaza’s ancient churches provided shelter to the tired bodies escaping snipers, bullets and massacres. Even the strong belief amongst Muslims that Prophet Muhammad’s - peace be upon him - great-grandfather Hashem died on one of his journeys from Makkah to the Levant and was buried in Gaza, was largely sentimental. His shrine in Gaza City was visited by numerous refugees, who kneeled and prayed to God that they, some day soon, would be sent back to their humble existence, and their ways of life from which they have been forcefully estranged.

But Gaza’s history became more relevant to the refugees when it appeared that their temporary journey to the Strip was likely to be extended. Only then the area’s many stories of conquerors, tragedies, triumphs but also sheer goodness, became of essence. A pilgrim to the Holy Land, who passed through Gaza in 570 AD, wrote in Latin, “Gaza is a splendid city, full of pleasant things; the men in it are most honest, distinguished by every generosity, and warm to friends and visitors.”

Gaza’s history became even more relevant when the refugees realized that their violent encounters with Israel were not yet over, and that they needed the moral tenacity to survive what would eventually be viewed as one of most severe humanitarian catastrophes in recent memory. And indeed, there was much history to marvel upon, and from which to extract strength and substantiation.

Conquerors came and went, and Gaza stood where it still stands today. This was the recurring lesson for generations, even millennia. Ancient Egyptians came and went, as did the Hyksos, the Assyrians, the Persians, the Greeks, the Romans, the Ottomans, the British, and now the Israelis. And through it all, Gaza stood strong and defiant. Neither Alexander the Great’s bloody conquest of 332 BC, nor Alexander Janneus’s brutal attack of 96 BC broke Gaza’s spirit or took away from its eternal grandeur. It always rose again to reach a degree of civilianisation unheard of, as it did in the 5th century AD.

It was in Gaza that the Crusaders surrendered their strategic control of the city to Saladin in 1170, only to open up yet another era of prosperity and growth, occasionally interrupted by conquerors and outsiders with colonial designs, but to no avail.

All the neglected ruins of past civilisations were only reminders that Gaza’s enemies would never prevail, and would, at best, merely register their presence by another neglected structure of concrete and rocks.

Now Gaza is undergoing another phase of hardship and defiance. Its modern conquerors are as unpitying as its ancient ones. True, Gaza is ailing, but standing, it people resourceful and durable as ever, defiant as they have always been, and hell-bent on surviving, for that’s what Gazans do best. And I should know, it’s my hometown.

- Excerpts from this article will appear in Ramzy Baroud’s new book, My Father Was a Freedom Fighter - Gaza: The Untold Story (Pluto Press, London).
 
Gaza - The Dilemma

By Morgan Strong
December 27, 2008 (Originally published December 15, 2008)

Editor’s Note: The Israeli-Palestinian conflict has returned to the news, as Israeli warplanes blasted away Saturday at security compounds in Hamas-ruled Gaza, killing at least 155 and wounding more than 310, according to news accounts. The Israelis said they were retaliating against rocket fire from the Gaza Strip.

Given this new crisis, we are republishing a first-person account by former “60 Minutes” consultant Morgan Strong about the tragedy that is Gaza:

Gaza was and is an anomaly, a piece of land left over from the calamity of history, created it seems in a moment of distraction.

It was once Egyptian, then Ottoman, then British, then Israeli, now Palestinian. In truth no one quite knows what to do with – or what to do about – Gaza.

The Palestine Liberation Organization governed Gaza most recently, but did nothing to ease the burden of the wretched existence of Gaza’s 1.4 million people.

Arafat built a splendid headquarter in Gaza and an airport. He had a little house on the beach as well. The house was a modest unpretentious one-story bungalow. He wanted to show the people of Gaza that he was quite as ordinary as they.

However, Arafat’s successor, Mahmoud Abbas, felt no need for such modesty. He built a gigantic multi-story holiday house on the beach, with a grand view of the sea. If you looked behind you, from his wrap-around balcony, you could gaze on the squalor of the refugee camps beneath you that make up much of Gaza.

The people of Gaza live in deplorable conditions for the most part, rudimentary shacks of plywood covered with a tin roof. There are no amenities in their homes, not so much as indoor plumbing. They rely almost entirely on the United Nations for their most basic needs.

There is no industry in Gaza, no economy, few jobs and little hope. Altogether there is precious little to sustain the people who are unfortunate enough to find themselves imprisoned there.

Many arrived as refugees, coming by the thousands, driven by wars to the uncertain safety of this little strip of land by the sea. They did not escape the wars for long, but they could run no farther because the sea and an unfriendly Egypt were at their backs.

The people of Gaza are surrounded by the Israeli Army on three sides, with that army denying them – at its whim – the most elemental necessities for their primitive existence.

Israel, through an agreement with the Palestine Authority, controls everything beyond Gaza’s fenced-in world, making the people of Gaza completely hostage to Israel.

And Israel is now making their precarious existence unbearable. They are deliberately starving them, among other injustice and outrages. What Israel is doing might be called genocide, but there is great reluctance to name Israel as the perpetrator of genocide.

Israel does not want Gaza to exist as it is. Israel cannot afford to allow Gaza to exist. It must remove the population from Gaza, by whatever means it can and occupy that territory.

And the Palestinian Authority will do nothing to stop this. The Palestinian Authority after years of corrupt management of Gaza lost its right to govern the place to the radical Islamic fundamentalist Hamas movement.

The Palestinian Authority, the Israelis or the United States will not permit Hamas to exercise power in Gaza, since Gaza is a serious threat to each if it remains under the control of Hamas. And Hamas is not going away.

When the Palestine Authority governed Gaza in the heady days immediately following the Oslo accords, traffic to and from the strip was largely un-impeded by the Israelis. Arafat used to fly in one of his helicopters in and out of his brand new airport. And Palestine Airlines made scheduled flights to Egypt and Jordan daily.

But other things happened that created great alarm to the Israelis. For one, Gaza became the hub of a stolen-car industry. High-priced automobiles were stolen in Israel and sold, or chopped up for parts, in Gaza.

And there was more. Drugs were being smuggled in from Egypt and elsewhere in the Middle East through tunnel’s dug from Gaza to the Sinai.

Israel had, and has, a drug problem among its population though we do not hear much about that in the United States. The Palestine Authority thugs frequently exchanged drugs in return for weapons with the Israeli soldiers who guarded them.

Gaza was a smugglers paradise, and there was no law, or agency of the law, to intrude. In truth, the police and other law-enforcement agencies often were complicit.

I had visited Arafat on more than one occasion in Gaza during the brief honeymoon the Palestinians enjoyed with the Israelis. Entry into and out of Gaza was at first almost alarmingly easy.

I together with a member of Arafat’s staff would simply drive through the Israeli checkpoint at the border with no obstruction by the Israeli border guards. A wave of the hand from a soldier, and we went from Israel to Palestine in a flash.

A few years later, I had dinner with Arafat at his headquarters on the beach a short distance from his modest cottage, largely un-used little house. The headquarters building was several stories high, and encompassed at least two city blocks. So much for modesty.

We sat at a grand table in a room in the massive building, which provided a great view of the sea. He was grim and troubled at dinner. He told me in exasperation that there was an Israeli gunboat just over the horizon which would on occasion lob a shell onto the beach immediately in front of the building.

The Israelis were simply harassing Arafat, showing him who was boss. And he did not like that a bit. But in reality it was his fault. He did not govern Gaza, he simply let the thugs take command, and that was the beginning of the end for Gaza and its people.

Gaza went from bad to worse. Hamas promising reform, and a return to a normal society free from the intimidation of Palestinian Authority thugs, became the de facto governing entity.

Hamas rule turned out to be a mixed blessing. They did not stop the drug smuggling or the car theft. They just took the profits. Smuggling drugs into Israel to create more addicts was a form of warfare for them, and besides they made a nice buck doing it. The same was true of the car theft. And there were sundry other illegal activities they had their hands into.

And it was no longer easy to enter or leave Gaza. My later visits to see Arafat entailed far more difficulty. I could no longer just be driven in. I had to pass through a series of border checks, and once cleared, I was required to walk a few hundred yards from the Israeli border across an open no-mans land to Palestinian Gaza.

The Israelis have succeeded, to a degree, in stopping the drug smuggling, but not entirely. The stolen-car business was stopped entirely however.

When Hamas began to fire rockets into Israel that ended any pretense on the Israelis’ part that they would allow the entity of Gaza to remain as it was. Gaza was just too much trouble no matter how it was dealt with.

So Israel has closed it tight, very tight, without any regard to the consequences to the population, most of whom are innocent of any crimes against Israel.

The poor, wretched people of Gaza are as much victims as they are marginally responsible for their own difficulties. Perhaps it is apathy, perhaps it is because self-governance is so alien a concept, but they suffer manifold indignity and terrible hardship by just being in the middle.

How they are able to extricate themselves now is a rather pressing question, but their lives truly depend on it.
 
Gaza is ailing, but standing, it people resourceful and durable as ever, defiant as they have always been, and hell-bent on surviving, for that’s what Gazans do best. And I should know, it’s my hometown.

Gazans resourceful???:rolleyes: You gotta be kidding! They're just too damned stupid to realise that firing rockets and mortars into Israel is not good for the health. :p
 
Analysis: The Hamas army

By YAAKOV KATZ
Dec 27, 2008


Hamas, once known for its suicide attacks inside Israeli cities, is no longer a small-time terrorist group, but a large guerrilla army that has well-trained forces deployed throughout the entire Gaza Strip.

Were the IDF to embark on a ground operation in Gaza, it would face an army of close to 20,000 armed men, among them at least 15,000 Hamas operatives. The rest are from Islamic Jihad, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine and the Popular Resistance Committees.

Since the cease-fire went into effect in Gaza in June, Hamas has used the lull in action to fortify its military posts in the Strip and dig tunnel systems as well as underground bunkers for its forces. IDF estimates put the length of the tunnels at over 50 kilometers.

Hamas has also dug foxholes throughout the Strip to accommodate anti-tank missile units, and prepared massive bombs, which have been placed on the main access roads into Gaza.

In addition to its homemade Kassam rockets, Hamas has smuggled into Gaza a number of anti-aircraft cannons and several shoulder-to-air missiles. It also a large number of anti-tank missiles that, if used correctly, could wreak havoc on Israeli armor in the event of a ground operation involving tanks and armored personnel carriers.

It also has Special Forces - commando forces and units with expertise in rocket fire, mortar attacks and roadside bombs.

"Hamas has learned a lot from Hizbullah and has adopted many of the Lebanese group's tactics which were used successfully against the IDF in the Second Lebanon War," one IDF official said.

Since Israel's unilateral disengagement from the Gaza Strip in the summer of 2005, Hamas has created a military with a clear hierarchy, led by Hamas "chief" Ahmed Ja'abri.

Ja'abri is in his late 40s and has been in Israel's sights for a number of years. In 2004, Israel Air Force jets fired several missiles at Ja'abri's home in the Sajiya neighborhood of Gaza City. Ja'abri escaped the assassination attempt with moderate wounds. Five others were killed.

Since then, he has slowly climbed the Hamas ranks and today is believed to be the terror group's so-called "chief of staff," replacing arch-terrorist Muhammad Deif, who was seriously wounded in an Israeli air strike in July 2006.

Hamas has split the Gaza Strip into five sections corresponding to five different brigades in the north, center, Gaza City, and two brigades in the south. Each brigade has a commander as well as several battalions under its command.

Ja'abri is commander of Gaza City. Ahmed Andour is in charge in the north. Iman Nufal, commander of central Gaza, is in Egyptian custody after he was arrested last year entering the Sinai Peninsula. There are also two brigades in the south - one in Khan Yunis and one in Rafah. The commanders there are Mahmoud Sanour and Ra'ad Alatour, respectively.

Andour is believed to be Ja'abri's right-hand man and the two were behind the attacks against Fatah militiamen in the summer of 2007 that led to Hamas's takeover of the Gaza Strip. Ja'abri and Andour are also believed to have masterminded the June 2006 kidnapping of Gilad Schalit.

IDF sources said Saturday that it was likely that several senior Hamas operatives and commanders were killed in Saturday's air strike.
 
Analysis: The Hamas army

It doesn't matter how many there are and what weapons and installations they possess. They lack the one thing that the jews have in abundance.. BRAINS!:D:D:D

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Analysis: 'I don't see how this ends well' in Gaza
By Dion Nissenbaum
December 28, 2008

JERUSALEM — As Israel clamps down on the Gaza Strip and prepares for the possibility of sending thousands of soldiers into the Palestinian area controlled by the militant Islamic group Hamas, its leaders are facing a diplomatic conundrum: They have clear military goals but no political vision for how to end the confrontation.


"I don't see how this ends well, even if, in two weeks time, it looks like it ends well," said Daniel Levy, a political analyst who once served as an adviser to Ehud Barak, the former Israeli prime minister who's now leading the military campaign against Hamas as Israel's defense minister.

Israel's expanding air strikes already have delivered a costly blow to the Hamas rulers in Gaza by killing hundreds of the group's soldiers and decimating its network of government security compounds.


Beyond that, though, Israeli leaders haven't explained what could bring the violence to a halt. Once the smoke clears, the rubble is removed and the dead are buried, Hamas is still almost certain to remain in control of the Gaza Strip, and its hard-line leaders are already vowing to strike back.

"To the extent to which there's a scenario where Israel wins a tactical round, it will again lose a strategic round," said Levy, a senior fellow at The New America Foundation, a liberal policy institute in Washington, D.C. that's providing ideas and personnel to the incoming administration of President-elect Barack Obama.

Israel's ongoing campaign is already creating an early foreign policy test for Obama, who's pledged to make Middle East diplomacy an early priority when he takes office next month.

On Sunday, Obama chief lieutenant David Axelrod offered tacit backing for Israel, blaming Hamas for sparking the conflict as the Bush administration also has done. If Obama continues to offer similar unqualified support for Israeli military action, it could make it harder for him to demonstrate to the Arab world that he's a more even-handed middleman than Bush has been.

Israeli officials Sunday said their top priority is to destabilize Hamas and cripple its ability to keep firing the crude rockets into southern Israel that have killed seven Israelis in the last two years.

Here the Israeli government appears to have learned a lesson from its bungled 2006 war in Lebanon against fighters from Hezbollah, another militant Islamic group. There, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert failed to achieve his main goals: Forcing Hezbollah to return the two Israeli soldiers whose capture sparked the 34-day war and silencing rocket fire from Shiite Muslim militants in southern Lebanon.

"What we want to do is significantly reduce the rocket fire," said Miri Eisin, a reserve colonel in the Israeli Army and spokeswoman for the Israeli government. "If Hamas says no more rocket fire, then we'll see where that goes."

Olmert and his government, however, refuse to negotiate directly with Hamas until the group, which is supported by Iran and Syria, renounces its goal of destroying Israel.

The standoff worsened last year when, after winning 2006 democratic elections that were backed by the Bush administration, Hamas seized military control of Gaza in a humiliating rout of forces loyal to pragmatic Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas.

Since then, Israel and the U.S. have been trying to provide political support to Abbas by trying to revive stagnant peace talks and helping to rebuild his security forces in the West Bank, between Israel and Jordan.

The goal is to show the Palestinian voters who propelled Hamas to political power in 2006 that Abbas and his pro-Western government are a better alternative.

"We have a dialogue with the Palestinian Authority," said Eisin. "You don't have an alternative to that at the end of the day."

If anything, however, the U.S.-Israeli effort has pushed Abbas and Hamas farther apart and made re-uniting the rival Palestinian factions more difficult.

That leaves Israel, the United States and Abbas with few diplomatic options: Hamas refuses to abandon its pledge to destroy Israel while Israel and the U.S. refuse to talk to Hamas until the group does. Abbas, meanwhile, refuses to reconcile with Hamas until the group surrenders control of Gaza.
 
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that's why they think the world belong to them. sick.
 
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eh cannot edit?
 
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To Be In Gaza Is To Be Trapped

By Peter Beaumont
December 29, 2008

Gaza. Always the suffering of Gaza, most potent symbol of the tragedy of Palestine. In 1948, during the Nakba – or "The Catastrophe" as Palestinians describe the war that gave birth to the state of Israel – 200,000 refugees poured into Gaza, swelling its population by more than two-thirds. Then Gaza fell under Egyptian control.

The six day war of 1967 saw more refugees, but with it came the occupation of Gaza by Israel – an occupation that, despite Israel's declaration under Prime Minister Ariel Sharon that it would unilaterally withdraw its settlements and troops in 2005, has never really ended.

It has not ended, for to be in Gaza is to be trapped. Without future or hope, limited to a few square miles. Its borders, land and sea, are defined largely by Israel (with Egypt's compliance along the southern end of the Strip).

It is not open to the ocean apart from a narrow outlet accessible only to the fishing fleet, a coastal blockade policed by Israel's gunboats, the boundaries of which have only recently been tested by boats of protesters sailing from Cyprus to draw attention to conditions inside Gaza.

Once it was possible for Gazans to pass with relative ease in and out of the Strip to work in Israel. In recent years, the noose around the 1.5 million people living there has been tightening incrementally, until a whole population – in the most densely settled urban area upon the planet – has been locked in behind walls and fences.

Since Israeli troops overran the Strip in 1967, Israeli politicians and generals have always seen it as a problem – a hotbed of radicalism and opposition. And so Israel has ventured failed experiment after experiment in the attempt to control Gaza. It has tried everything except the obvious – to allow its people to be free.

It has tried directly managing Gaza, and a brutal policy of quarantine backed by tanks, jets and gunboats. It has attempted the maintenance of strategic settlements, which only provided a focus for resistance against the patrolling troops. And when that failed, Israel retreated – only to find that, without a proximate enemy, those living inside turned to attacking the nearby towns with crude missiles.

Ironically, one of Israel's experiments involved assisting in the creation of Hamas, which had its roots in Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood, to counter the power of Yasser Arafat's Palestine Liberation Organisation. Israel has been determined to push Hamas ever closer to all-out war since insisting that even though it won free and fair Palestinian legislative elections in 2006, its right to govern could not be treated as legitimate.

Since Hamas took power in Gaza in summer 2007, after a short, brutal struggle with Fatah, Israel's policy has been one of collective punishment, summed up in the policy of "no prosperity, no development, no humanitarian crisis". Not a visible humanitarian crisis, at least.

For what has been going on inside Gaza since the economic blockade began a year and a half ago has cynically stretched the definition of what constitutes the boundaries of such a crisis.

Those seeking urgent medical care outside Gaza's walls are forced to go through a long and humiliating process. Even some of those who are allowed to leave, human rights groups say, have been pressured into becoming informers for Israeli intelligence.

One in two Gazans is now living in poverty. Aid is sporadic, and as the World Bank warned at the beginning of December, the blockade has forced Gaza to become reliant on smuggling tunnels (taxed by Hamas), which risked destroying its conventional economy. Inflation for key products smuggled through the tunnels is rampant, which in turn has brought cash to Hamas.

Equally worrying, from a long-term point of view, has been the corrosion of Gaza's institutions and social cohesion, which has resulted in sporadic eruptions of inter-factional and inter-clan violence.

What Israel hopes to achieve with the present military offensive – beyond influencing the coming Israeli elections – is not clear. For if a long-anticipated ground operation, leading to a partial reoccupation on the ground, is to follow these air strikes – as it did in the war in Lebanon in 2006 – it will have to achieve what neither Hamas nor its rival Fatah can: unifying Palestinian society once more against a common enemy, as Gaza was once united against Israeli settlements inside its boundaries.

If that is not the intention, it is hard to see what Israel's actions are meant to achieve in a community that cherishes its martyrs; where violent death is intended to reinforce social cohesion and unity.

For in the end what has happened in the past few hours is simply an expression of what has been going on for days and months and years: the death and fear that Gaza's gunmen and rocket teams and bombers have inflicted upon Israel have been returned 10, 20, 30 times over once again. And nothing will change in the arithmetic of it.

Not in Gaza. But perhaps in a wider Arab world, becoming more uncomfortable by the day about what is happening inside Gaza, something is changing. And Israel has supplied a rallying point. Something tangible and brutal that gives the critics of its actions in Gaza – who say it has a policy of collective punishment backed by disproportionate and excessive force – something to focus on.

Something to be ranked with Deir Yassin. With the Sabra and Shatila massacres. Something, at last, that Israel's foes can say looks like an atrocity.
 
It doesn't matter how many there are and what weapons and installations they possess. They lack the one thing that the jews have in abundance.. BRAINS!:D:D:D

The donkey in the air, looks familar?...looks like the PxP trying to pull a casino project....too greedy, the load became exceedingly heavy...:D
 
Gaza: The Untold Story

By Ramzy Baroud

It’s incomprehensible that a region such as the Gaza Strip...
- Excerpts from this article will appear in Ramzy Baroud’s new book, My Father Was a Freedom Fighter - Gaza: The Untold Story (Pluto Press, London).

Will this book also contain historic details about the Freedom Fighter Jews! who left Germany, to create Israel? If it does, when will this book be released and where to get it?

I admire Ramzy Baroud's Father for being a freedom fighter. Does Ramzy Baroud really know what his father was fighting for? Are these questions answered in his book? I would love to get a copy if there is a free release.
 
To Be In Gaza Is To Be Trapped

By Peter Beaumont
December 29, 2008

If that is not the intention, it is hard to see what Israel's actions are meant to achieve in a community that cherishes its martyrs; where violent death is intended to reinforce social cohesion and unity.

For in the end what has happened in the past few hours is simply an expression of what has been going on for days and months and years: the death and fear that Gaza's gunmen and rocket teams and bombers have inflicted upon Israel have been returned 10, 20, 30 times over once again. And nothing will change in the arithmetic of it.

Not in Gaza. But perhaps in a wider Arab world, becoming more uncomfortable by the day about what is happening inside Gaza, something is changing. And Israel has supplied a rallying point. Something tangible and brutal that gives the critics of its actions in Gaza – who say it has a policy of collective punishment backed by disproportionate and excessive force – something to focus on.

Something to be ranked with Deir Yassin. With the Sabra and Shatila massacres. Something, at last, that Israel's foes can say looks like an atrocity.

The Palestinians must be RETARDS cos they fare worst than the animals in Pavlov's experiments who at least learn to associate the reaction to the stimulus. Every time the HAMAs stirs the hornet's nest in Israel, the Palestinian civvies suffer retaliatory strikes.

As for use of disproportionate force, where are the rules in war that say I can only inflict the same level of casualties you inflict on me? These kind of restriction can only result in a long winded stalemate. In my book, Israel has already shown much restraint by not NUKING GAZA.

Furthermore those HAMAS fight without officially declaring war (Japan did that in Pearl Harbour and got NUKED TWICE before surrendering). When they (HAMAS) are killed not wearing uniforms, they are called innocent civilians.

Those 'innocent' children killed in the cross fire could well have been placed in harms way by HAMAS themselves to act a human shields against the anticipated airstrikes.
 
So clever and peaceful till 6 million of them get gassed. WOW clever indeed!!!!
 
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Hamas militants take position to a burning barricade. Photo: AP
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A Palestinian medical worker rushes a baby into the hospital in Gaza City. Photo: AFP
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an Israeli helicopter shooting flares into the air. Photo: AFP
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Israeli tanks stand by at the border in northern Gaza Strip near Kibbutz Mefalsim. Photo: REUTERS
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Palestinians extinguish a fire after an Israeli missile strike on a house in Gaza. Photo: REUTERS
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Palestinians gather at the site of an Israeli air strike in Gaza City. Photo: AFP
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A Palestinian carries a wounded boy after an Israeli missile strike on a house in Gaza. Photo: REUTERS
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Bodies of Palestinian Hamas policemen are scattered on the ground by followed an Israeli air strike in Gaza City
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Israeli army takes position near the northern Israeli-Gaza Strip border. Photo: AFP
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Palestinians carry the body of Hamas police chief, General Tawfiq Jabr. Photo: AFP
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Palestinian firefighters try to extinguish a fire after the Israeli missile strike. Photo: AP
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Thousands of people demonstrate against the Israeli air strikes on the Gaza Strip in Damascus. Photo: AFP
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Egyptian paramedics wait by their ambulances at the Egypt Gaza border crossing in Rafah. Photo: AP
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An Israeli combat helicopter flies over the Gaza Strip after firing anti-missile flares. Photo: Reuters
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Palestinians search for bodies at a destroyed Hamas police compound. Photo: Reuters
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A Palestinian boy stands in front of a destroyed building. Photo: AFP
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A wounded Palestinian is carried to a hospital. Photo: Reuters
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Smoke rises after an Israeli air strike in the northern Gaza Strip. Photo: Reuters
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An Israeli tank takes position near Kibbutz Nir Am, just outside the northern Gaza Strip. Photo: Reuters
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A trail of smoke is seen after the launch of a rocket from the northern Gaza Strip. Photo: Reuters
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Palestinian medics pull an injured woman from the rubble. Photo: Reuters
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An Israeli police officer surveys the damage inside a house. Photo: Reuters
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A Palestinian woman cries during a protest in Damascus. Photo: AP
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Palestinians walk past damaged Hamas police compounds. Photo: Reuters
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A Palestinian girl wounded in an Israeli missile strike is carried into hospital. Photo: AP
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Smoke billows from the Gaza Strip. Photo: AFP
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A Palestinian boy walks past damaged Hamas police compounds. Photo: Reuters
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thank you postnew for all the photos - they're very telling about what is actually going on in gaza - a genocide, a massacre and a full scale war on a helpless group of refugees - by a big time and all time neighbourhood bully with the blessings from tbe biggest satan on earth.
 
It's good to see so many terrorists and their relatives killed!:D

Keep up the good work Israel. The whole world thanks you for getting rid of the scum of the earth.
 
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