Rivalry with US and current of antisemitism are running up against Beijing’s increasing closeness to Israel.
https://amp.theguardian.com/world/2023/nov/09/china-israel-pro-palestinian-history
China was an early proponent of a ceasefire in Gaza and has called for wider talks on resolving the Palestinian question. But analysts say the situation is complicated, and it’s not clear what Beijing expects to achieve, and how it can get there.
Beijing has been a supporter of the Palestinians since the Mao era and long called for a two-state solution, but it is increasingly close to Israel, and is presenting itself as a neutral party that holds steadfast to a noninterference principle.
Beijing is also trying to build on its minimal but growing influence in the Middle East, where it has major economic interests, and also presenting itself as a leader of the global south, and furthering its anti-US agenda.
A week on from the 7 October attack by Hamas on Israel, in which 1,400 people, mostly civilians, were killed, China’s foreign minister, Wang Yi, called for a global peace conference and accused Israel of going “beyond the scope of self defence” in its bombing of Gaza. On 16 October, Xi Jinping called for a ceasefire “as soon as possible, to avoid the conflict from expanding or even spiralling out of control and causing a serious humanitarian crisis”.
China – which this month became chair of the UN security council – was one of 120 nations to vote for a general assembly ceasefire resolution, and sent a Middle East special envoy, Zhai Jun, to the region.
“Rhetorical support for the Palestinians alongside most of the Arab and Muslim world is relatively cost-free to offer (and frankly, a fair slice of the western world too is very concerned about the humanitarian crisis in Gaza and supports a two-state solution),” said Rorry Daniels, the managing director of the Asia Society Policy Institute. “But anything more creates a tricky set of consequences that I would assume China seeks to avoid.”
The conflict comes at a time when Beijing is seeking to grow its influence in the Middle East – a region where it has historically not had significant clout – by building on its involvement in brokering a deal earlier this year to normalise relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran.
Alessio Patalano, professor of war and strategy in east Asia at King’s College London, who attended a recent security forum in Beijing, said there were signs Beijing was leaning on Iran to prevent further escalation of the conflict as a step towards ceasefire.
“They’re trying to use their acquired influence in the region to see if they can target a fragile and fast evolving situation in a way that allows them to claim – if a victory comes around – that they were part of the solution not the problem.”
Raymond Kuo, a political scientist at the Rand Corporation, said Beijing still didn’t have strong enough influence in the deeply complex region to effect a real solution.
“Beijing might want to act as a mediator, but will it actually put skin in the game, including financial assistance, political pressure, and security support or even guarantees, especially given the region’s complexity? I’m doubtful, especially since it hasn’t been involved thus far.”
Analysts also linked China’s response to its ongoing rivalry with the US, which is a major supporter of Israel and voted against ceasefires at the UN, and its wish to be seen as the more responsible global superpower.
“This is an opportunity to support Beijing’s wider ‘wolf warrior’ narrative of blaming bad things happening internationally on the US,” said Kuo.
Daniels said: “China sees a high priority in the international landscape as preserving its reputation as the leader of the developing world. I think China wants to position itself as a champion of any country or people oppressed by the broader coalition of US allies and partners, as well as a fair broker for dispute settlement and resolution.”
https://amp.theguardian.com/world/2023/nov/09/china-israel-pro-palestinian-history
China was an early proponent of a ceasefire in Gaza and has called for wider talks on resolving the Palestinian question. But analysts say the situation is complicated, and it’s not clear what Beijing expects to achieve, and how it can get there.
Beijing has been a supporter of the Palestinians since the Mao era and long called for a two-state solution, but it is increasingly close to Israel, and is presenting itself as a neutral party that holds steadfast to a noninterference principle.
Beijing is also trying to build on its minimal but growing influence in the Middle East, where it has major economic interests, and also presenting itself as a leader of the global south, and furthering its anti-US agenda.
A week on from the 7 October attack by Hamas on Israel, in which 1,400 people, mostly civilians, were killed, China’s foreign minister, Wang Yi, called for a global peace conference and accused Israel of going “beyond the scope of self defence” in its bombing of Gaza. On 16 October, Xi Jinping called for a ceasefire “as soon as possible, to avoid the conflict from expanding or even spiralling out of control and causing a serious humanitarian crisis”.
China – which this month became chair of the UN security council – was one of 120 nations to vote for a general assembly ceasefire resolution, and sent a Middle East special envoy, Zhai Jun, to the region.
“Rhetorical support for the Palestinians alongside most of the Arab and Muslim world is relatively cost-free to offer (and frankly, a fair slice of the western world too is very concerned about the humanitarian crisis in Gaza and supports a two-state solution),” said Rorry Daniels, the managing director of the Asia Society Policy Institute. “But anything more creates a tricky set of consequences that I would assume China seeks to avoid.”
The conflict comes at a time when Beijing is seeking to grow its influence in the Middle East – a region where it has historically not had significant clout – by building on its involvement in brokering a deal earlier this year to normalise relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran.
Alessio Patalano, professor of war and strategy in east Asia at King’s College London, who attended a recent security forum in Beijing, said there were signs Beijing was leaning on Iran to prevent further escalation of the conflict as a step towards ceasefire.
“They’re trying to use their acquired influence in the region to see if they can target a fragile and fast evolving situation in a way that allows them to claim – if a victory comes around – that they were part of the solution not the problem.”
Raymond Kuo, a political scientist at the Rand Corporation, said Beijing still didn’t have strong enough influence in the deeply complex region to effect a real solution.
“Beijing might want to act as a mediator, but will it actually put skin in the game, including financial assistance, political pressure, and security support or even guarantees, especially given the region’s complexity? I’m doubtful, especially since it hasn’t been involved thus far.”
Analysts also linked China’s response to its ongoing rivalry with the US, which is a major supporter of Israel and voted against ceasefires at the UN, and its wish to be seen as the more responsible global superpower.
“This is an opportunity to support Beijing’s wider ‘wolf warrior’ narrative of blaming bad things happening internationally on the US,” said Kuo.
Daniels said: “China sees a high priority in the international landscape as preserving its reputation as the leader of the developing world. I think China wants to position itself as a champion of any country or people oppressed by the broader coalition of US allies and partners, as well as a fair broker for dispute settlement and resolution.”
