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Bloody Good Reason to Migrate

scroobal

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Feb 10, 2010
THE ST INTERVIEW
Rethinking the Temasek growth model
State-linked enterprises cannot sustain growth in long run: MIT prof
By Tan Hui Yee, CORRESPONDENT

Prof Huang, well known for his critical view of China's bias towards
state-linked enterprises, believes the private sector is the best way to
grow Singapore's economy. --ST PHOTO: NG SOR LUAN

HOW far should the Government extend its long arm into the private sector?

The Economic Strategies Committee last week proposed that the Government, aided by private sector fund managers, invest up to $1.5 billion in Singapore-based enterprises to help them grow and even take a stake in them.

The idea raised few eyebrows here but would have caused renowned political
economist Huang Yasheng to do a double-take.

To the Beijing-born Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) professor,
who was in town recently to address the Civil Service College, state-linked
enterprise models are a sure-fire way to stifle the economy in the long run.

Known for his critical view of China's bias towards state-linked enterprises
at the expense of its home-grown businesses, he expressed the same
scepticism about how far state intervention can help private enterprise
here.

Singapore should 'rethink' the 'Temasek model', he says, referring to the
state investment company Temasek Holdings, which has major stakes in large local corporations such as telecommunications player SingTel and developer CapitaLand.

'The private sector is the best way to grow the economy. It has the most
productive, most innovative and entrepreneurial culture. The state-owned
enterprise system doesn't give you that.'

He acknowledges that Singapore has 'the most streamlined state management model' worldwide among the countries which adopt this method, but it has milked this system for all it is worth.

'You are already hitting the wall,' he warns. Retaining this strategy could
mean sacrificing future growth that is possible only through a bigger, more
dynamic private sector.

When governments get involved in venture financing, they risk getting
tangled in a whole host of issues. Few taxpayers, he reckons, can stomach
the inherent risks of funding technology start-ups.

'Nine out of 10 investment projects fail. Does the government have such a
high tolerance for risk? It's taxpayers' money, right? I don't think,
politically, it's legitimate for the government to keep investing in failing
individuals and failing projects. How do you defend these decisions?'

Those who fund these start-ups need to understand that risk-taking is part
and parcel of the whole process. 'But does the average Singaporean understand that?' Even if a project does succeed, other thorny issues crop up.

'The entrepreneur gets a disproportionate share of the benefits. Why should
I, as a taxpayer, fund these projects? What do I get? There's a basic
illogic to the government being involved in venture financing, at a
political level and operational level.'

In most other countries, government funding typically goes into basic
research without direct commercial applications. 'Maybe a better way is for the government to fund more basic research and
then allow universities, private equity firms, venture capital firms and
rich individuals to take care of the rest.'

That is because even when the state sector is well managed, it is not as
innovative as the private sector, he says. 'From a technological development point of view, you need a bigger private
sector to compete, to come up with new products, processes and technologies, to better compete with India and China.'

The case for private entrepreneurship is strong even when applied to these
two Asian giants. In a 2006 Financial Times article, he compared the two
economies, concluding that India was achieving a high level of economic
growth with just a fraction of what China was receiving in foreign direct
investment.

The difference boiled down to the level of support for local entrepreneurs.

'An economic litmus test is not whether a country can attract a lot of
foreign direct investment, but whether it has a business environment that
nurtures entrepreneurship, supports healthy competition and is relatively
free of heavy-handed political intervention. In this regard, India has done
a better job than China,' he wrote.

The trouble with civil servants leading the charge, he says, is that
creative thinking is often in short supply.

'Civil service culture is about discipline. It's about execution. It's about
efficiency. Entrepreneurial culture is about challenging the authorities,
questioning the existing ways of doing businesses, moving away from the
routines and norms. It's about the unconventional, rebellious and diverse.
These values are almost polar opposites.'

He stops himself for a moment. 'I want to be very clear, Singapore has one
of the best civil services in the whole world, and that's a very precious
asset. The issue is, whether you want the civil service to play such a big
role (in enterprise) or not.'

State-linked enterprises, he acknowledges, served Singapore very well before the rise of cheap labour in China and India, when growing the economy required merely ramping up production through higher efficiency. But today,the challenge is constant innovation.

'You can increase scale economy with government funding. But when it comes to new products, processes and technologies, it's very different. It's not just about money, it's culture.'

But growing up in the big shadow of state intervention has dwarfed the
entrepreneurial culture here, he says. The 'orderly' environment here dulls
the incentive to think out of the box. 'Everything is very well organised.
Entrepreneurship typically happens in a more chaotic environment,' he
observes.

Even Singapore's 'top-down' education system gets in the way.

'While producing excellent maths scores, it is not producing diversity in
ideas and unconventional ways of solving problems,' he notes.

The new game is not about high averages, but outliers. Nor is it about size,
but nimbleness.

He scoffs at the widely held view here that local firms are too small to
compete outside Singapore without help from the government or
government-linked firms. 'This idea that size gives you advantage is an extraordinarily strange view. Was Microsoft a big company in 1975? Was Google a big company in 1998?

'The key thing is whether or not you can grow, and how you grow. If
government support is behind the growth of a company, that means the company has not survived the competition test. It may fail in a different
environment.

Worse still, 'if the government support is strong, it dilutes the incentive
to innovate'. A small company, he says, can be 'extremely competitive' by occupying a strategic niche.

'Academic research shows overwhelmingly it is the small companies that
create new technologies and new products. Big companies are innovative only when they acquire small companies.'

Hence, the critical question for Singapore is whether its big firms have
enough small companies to acquire.

To help smaller players flourish, he believes local entrepreneurs should
have easier access to private funds. The Central Provident Fund system, he
points out, is worth a relook. While it builds up retirement nest eggs by
enforcing savings that can run up to about 40 per cent of an employee's
total wage, it also channels away a sizeable sum from the hands of potential
entrepreneurs to government investments.

Putting some of these funds back in the hands of more nimble local
entrepreneurs could be Singapore's best bet to stay ahead in this fast
moving global economy. Failing to exploit the potential of its private
sector could mean the country, once labelled an 'Asian Tiger' for its
sparkling growth rates, might go down in history as an economic has-been, he says.

'I think Singapore has done a remarkable job in the last 50 years. The logic
of its system is very powerful. But the issue now is that we have a very
different environment.

'And the ultimate success of a system depends on its ability to adapt to new
situations,' he adds.
 
It makes sense for us to sit in the board room demanding KPIs and results.. These days, crap reasons to justify million dollars pay and global crisis becomes part of the blame.. what about Thailand investment and ABC learning.. Change in leadership is a must ! Please help me to vote against the incompetent. :D

Feb 10, 2010
THE ST INTERVIEW
Rethinking the Temasek growth model
State-linked enterprises cannot sustain growth in long run: MIT prof
By Tan Hui Yee, CORRESPONDENT

Prof Huang, well known for his critical view of China's bias towards
state-linked enterprises, believes the private sector is the best way to
grow Singapore's economy. --ST PHOTO: NG SOR LUAN

HOW far should the Government extend its long arm into the private sector?

The Economic Strategies Committee last week proposed that the Government, aided by private sector fund managers, invest up to $1.5 billion in Singapore-based enterprises to help them grow and even take a stake in them.

The idea raised few eyebrows here but would have caused renowned political
economist Huang Yasheng to do a double-take.

To the Beijing-born Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) professor,
who was in town recently to address the Civil Service College, state-linked
enterprise models are a sure-fire way to stifle the economy in the long run.

Known for his critical view of China's bias towards state-linked enterprises
at the expense of its home-grown businesses, he expressed the same
scepticism about how far state intervention can help private enterprise
here.

Singapore should 'rethink' the 'Temasek model', he says, referring to the
state investment company Temasek Holdings, which has major stakes in large local corporations such as telecommunications player SingTel and developer CapitaLand.

'The private sector is the best way to grow the economy. It has the most
productive, most innovative and entrepreneurial culture. The state-owned
enterprise system doesn't give you that.'

He acknowledges that Singapore has 'the most streamlined state management model' worldwide among the countries which adopt this method, but it has milked this system for all it is worth.

'You are already hitting the wall,' he warns. Retaining this strategy could
mean sacrificing future growth that is possible only through a bigger, more
dynamic private sector.

When governments get involved in venture financing, they risk getting
tangled in a whole host of issues. Few taxpayers, he reckons, can stomach
the inherent risks of funding technology start-ups.

'Nine out of 10 investment projects fail. Does the government have such a
high tolerance for risk? It's taxpayers' money, right? I don't think,
politically, it's legitimate for the government to keep investing in failing
individuals and failing projects. How do you defend these decisions?'

Those who fund these start-ups need to understand that risk-taking is part
and parcel of the whole process. 'But does the average Singaporean understand that?' Even if a project does succeed, other thorny issues crop up.

'The entrepreneur gets a disproportionate share of the benefits. Why should
I, as a taxpayer, fund these projects? What do I get? There's a basic
illogic to the government being involved in venture financing, at a
political level and operational level.'

In most other countries, government funding typically goes into basic
research without direct commercial applications. 'Maybe a better way is for the government to fund more basic research and
then allow universities, private equity firms, venture capital firms and
rich individuals to take care of the rest.'

That is because even when the state sector is well managed, it is not as
innovative as the private sector, he says. 'From a technological development point of view, you need a bigger private
sector to compete, to come up with new products, processes and technologies, to better compete with India and China.'

The case for private entrepreneurship is strong even when applied to these
two Asian giants. In a 2006 Financial Times article, he compared the two
economies, concluding that India was achieving a high level of economic
growth with just a fraction of what China was receiving in foreign direct
investment.

The difference boiled down to the level of support for local entrepreneurs.

'An economic litmus test is not whether a country can attract a lot of
foreign direct investment, but whether it has a business environment that
nurtures entrepreneurship, supports healthy competition and is relatively
free of heavy-handed political intervention. In this regard, India has done
a better job than China,' he wrote.

The trouble with civil servants leading the charge, he says, is that
creative thinking is often in short supply.

'Civil service culture is about discipline. It's about execution. It's about
efficiency. Entrepreneurial culture is about challenging the authorities,
questioning the existing ways of doing businesses, moving away from the
routines and norms. It's about the unconventional, rebellious and diverse.
These values are almost polar opposites.'

He stops himself for a moment. 'I want to be very clear, Singapore has one
of the best civil services in the whole world, and that's a very precious
asset. The issue is, whether you want the civil service to play such a big
role (in enterprise) or not.'

State-linked enterprises, he acknowledges, served Singapore very well before the rise of cheap labour in China and India, when growing the economy required merely ramping up production through higher efficiency. But today,the challenge is constant innovation.

'You can increase scale economy with government funding. But when it comes to new products, processes and technologies, it's very different. It's not just about money, it's culture.'

But growing up in the big shadow of state intervention has dwarfed the
entrepreneurial culture here, he says. The 'orderly' environment here dulls
the incentive to think out of the box. 'Everything is very well organised.
Entrepreneurship typically happens in a more chaotic environment,' he
observes.

Even Singapore's 'top-down' education system gets in the way.

'While producing excellent maths scores, it is not producing diversity in
ideas and unconventional ways of solving problems,' he notes.

The new game is not about high averages, but outliers. Nor is it about size,
but nimbleness.

He scoffs at the widely held view here that local firms are too small to
compete outside Singapore without help from the government or
government-linked firms. 'This idea that size gives you advantage is an extraordinarily strange view. Was Microsoft a big company in 1975? Was Google a big company in 1998?

'The key thing is whether or not you can grow, and how you grow. If
government support is behind the growth of a company, that means the company has not survived the competition test. It may fail in a different
environment.

Worse still, 'if the government support is strong, it dilutes the incentive
to innovate'. A small company, he says, can be 'extremely competitive' by occupying a strategic niche.

'Academic research shows overwhelmingly it is the small companies that
create new technologies and new products. Big companies are innovative only when they acquire small companies.'

Hence, the critical question for Singapore is whether its big firms have
enough small companies to acquire.

To help smaller players flourish, he believes local entrepreneurs should
have easier access to private funds. The Central Provident Fund system, he
points out, is worth a relook. While it builds up retirement nest eggs by
enforcing savings that can run up to about 40 per cent of an employee's
total wage, it also channels away a sizeable sum from the hands of potential
entrepreneurs to government investments.

Putting some of these funds back in the hands of more nimble local
entrepreneurs could be Singapore's best bet to stay ahead in this fast
moving global economy. Failing to exploit the potential of its private
sector could mean the country, once labelled an 'Asian Tiger' for its
sparkling growth rates, might go down in history as an economic has-been, he says.

'I think Singapore has done a remarkable job in the last 50 years. The logic
of its system is very powerful. But the issue now is that we have a very
different environment.

'And the ultimate success of a system depends on its ability to adapt to new
situations,' he adds.
 
warao eh! ...

u never c ppl get inflaction fr quoting huge chunks of text, ah? ...

dat goot-4-nothing moni collector juz went ard 2day catching ppl on tis ...
 
... To help smaller players flourish, he believes local entrepreneurs should
have easier access to private funds. The Central Provident Fund system, he
points out, is worth a relook. While it builds up retirement nest eggs by
enforcing savings that can run up to about 40 per cent of an employee's
total wage, it also channels away a sizeable sum from the hands of potential
entrepreneurs to government investments.

Putting some of these funds back in the hands of more nimble local
entrepreneurs could be Singapore's best bet to stay ahead in this fast
moving global economy. ...
all dat moni went in2 ah hdb's pocket oredi ...

n den dey use it 2 pay ze salaries of ze world's bestest paid politicians ...
 
The MIT chap is not the only who knows that. I am sure all the 'economics experts' in cabinet (GCT?) know that too, it is just that NOBODY dares to ROCK the boat and risk their TITIANIUM RICEBOWL from being SHATTERED by telling the LEE family the obvious especially to the OLD MAN straight in his face that the "THE EMPEROR WEARS NO CLOTHES"

How else do you think all the 'WRONG POLICIES'- thought up by the OLD MAN are now coming home to ROOST? All the U TURNS (Ahem RE-THINK) are all happening one after another!
 
all dat moni went in2 ah hdb's pocket oredi ...

n den dey use it 2 pay ze salaries of ze world's bestest paid politicians ...

You forgot Lumpar one, blightest, Mee siam mai hum politiacian. :D
 
"'The private sector is the best way to grow the economy. It has the most
productive, most innovative and entrepreneurial culture. The state-owned
enterprise system doesn't give you that.'

He acknowledges that Singapore has 'the most streamlined state management model' worldwide among the countries which adopt this method, but it has milked this system for all it is worth.

'You are already hitting the wall,' he warns. Retaining this strategy could
mean sacrificing future growth that is possible only through a bigger, more
dynamic private sector. "

Too late. If they started assisting local companies back in the mid-late 1990s, probably, SG still have a chance. Now then think abt it?
 
Too late. If they started assisting local companies back in the mid-late 1990s, probably, SG still have a chance. Now then think abt it?

But in those days, who dare to contradict PAP? See where the main trouble lies. Who dare to say no?
 
But in those days, who dare to contradict PAP? See where the main trouble lies. Who dare to say no?

clear example of how lack of political openess, transparency, accountability have have done SG's future in....
 
clear example of how lack of political openess, transparency, accountability have have done SG's future in....


Singapore turning fascist?
The lines between state and political party is blurred.



Lessons from Singapore
One shows how a predominant party can blur party-and-state interests in a democracy should Beijing decides to allow elections to choose their leaders. By Seah Chiang Nee.
Feb 22, 2010


SOME of the brightest Chinese officials have been coming to study how the ruling party has achieved prosperity and won elections while retaining its one-party predominance.

Such study trips – which cover the economic, social and political areas – have been reported occasionally.

Some observers believe that Singapore’s politics, with its top-down system, may be of special interest to China’s Communist Party as it ponders over reform options.

The latest comment came from Minister Mentor Lee Kuan Yew, who said that many groups, representing different levels of the Chinese government, had been coming in recent years to attend study courses.

On one visit – according to Lee – they showed interest in how his People’s Action Party (PAP), with a small suburban office, could reach out to its crowded heartland electorate.

The answer they got would have given them a lesson on how the PPP can benefit from its incumbent power by blurring the line separating state from party.

In his outspoken way, Lee admitted that all grassroots organisations (with nearly 30,000 community workers) which interact and organise activities in the estates were actually part of his party.

It is used by the PAP to foster bonds with Singaporeans.

Since they are publicly-funded and overseen by the People’s Association, a government statutory board under the Ministry of Community Development, the community workers are supposed to be non-partisans.

“... Everywhere they (the Chinese) go, they see the PAP – in the RCs (residents’ committees), CCCs (citizens’ consultative committees), and the CCs (community clubs),” Lee beamed.

The confirmation that these are part of the PAP could become an embarrassment to his younger ministers as the message sinks in.

It may also come as a surprise to some of the grassroots volunteers who thought they were non-partisans working for their community.

(Already the party recently announced it had difficulty recruiting enough volunteers, and grassroots bodies were some 35% understrength.)

The critics don’t faze the architect of the scheme. Lee once said: “I make no apologies that the PAP is the (Singapore) government and the government is the PAP.”

His remarks moved an online analyst to comment: “No wonder the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) is so interested to learn from Singapore.”

The furore shows how much Singaporeans have changed over a generation.

In the 60s, when Lee was using these tax-funded grassroots organisations to combat pro-communists and racial extremists, it seemed natural and few people complained.

But with many of today’s better-educated youths, the idea of the PAP using tax money against the opposition in a democracy has become unacceptable.

If the Chinese visitors had probed further, they would have found that control of grassroots is merely one of an arsenal of weapons the PAP has to hold on to power.

“If they did, the Chinese might be surprised by the reach of some of the PAP’s tentacles in the city,” a small businessman said.

Over 50 years, it has built a whole network of top-level people to run the civil service, trade unions, the press, police, armed forces and state-linked corporations that control much of Singapore’s economy.

The sheer number of people working for them – or associated with them – is large enough to make the party hard to defeat in an election.

Even if an opposition party – or coalition – were to win enough seats to form the government, it may find itself shackled on the implementation level with such extensive PAP influence in state and community machinery.

Keeping all these personnel could reduce the chances of smooth government functioning, at least for awhile, and quickly replacing a large number of them would be impossible.

The city is too small to allow for such a massive replacement of experienced people. All these do not make the PAP undefeatable and irreplaceable, but they render the task extremely difficult.

These “controlling” factors have led political analysts to regard Singapore as a role model for China to emulate, should it decide one day to introduce some form of democracy, without losing power.

“Singapore has shown that its system, although criticised by the West, can preserve harmony and economic growth while giving people the vote,” said a PAP supporter.

The relevance of Singapore’s political system to China still crops up occasionally.

Most commentators say it is impractical given the vast disparity in size.

One Chinese blogger wrote: “With all due respect to Singapore, I just don’t want to compare China and Singapore. You can compare Singapore (population: 5 million) and Shanghai (16 million), or Hong Kong (7 million).”

Wang Jian Shuo added: “Politi-cally, to rule a city of several million is, of course, very different (from) ruling a bigger country (which) actually needs more wisdom in the political system.

“For example, I don’t want someone in Beijing to make decisions for me about what my children should believe. So, there is a huge difference here between Singapore and China.”

Singapore’s top writer, Catherine Lim, however, looks at the equation from another angle.

At a university forum, she spoke of the emergence of a new breed of young, sophisticated Singaporeans wanting political freedom and forcing the PAP leaders to deal with their demands.

“Not if China comes to their rescue,” Lim said.

The outspoken author was referring to a possible 2030 scenario when China’s power rises, while the United States declines and is unable to offer an ideological alternative.

Thus, she said, if China and Singapore could blend authoritarianism and capitalism and become twinned on the world stage, “the Lee Kuan Yew model of governance will have achieved an international acceptance that the PAP could never have dreamt of”.

(This was published in The Star on Feb 20, 2010)
 
They have to package the 'u-turns' nicely and carefully so as not to hurt his ego and their ricebowl, if it's possible.
 
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