Ahmed al-Sharaa’s Pick for Syria’s Mufti Shows He Is No Moderate

[duluxe]

The Transitional Government Reinforces Sectarian Polarization and Disregards Syria’s Ethnic and Religious Minorities​

Self-appointed Syrian President Ahmed al-Sharaa’s recent appointment of Sheikh Osama Al-Rifa’i to be Syria’s Grand Mufti and al-Sharaa’s announcement of the transitional Syrian government signals the new regime will continue to disregard Syria’s ethnic and religious diversity. Al-Rifa’i previously was head of the Syrian Islamic Council in Istanbul, which largely carried water for Turkey.

Al-Rifa’i’s appointment especially concerns minorities given his 2018 anti-Kurdish fatwa that greenlighted the Turkish invasion of Kurdish territories, and the Turkish forces’ subsequent ethnic cleansing and cultural eradication.

Al-Rifa’i’s fatwa began with a condemnation of the Syrian Democratic Forces, the largely Kurdish militia that allied with the United States against the Islamic State, for working with Americans and said, “Fighting the Syrian Democratic Forces is jihad in the way of God.” In its seventh point, the fatwa legitimized cooperation with Turkey’s military operations. “We do not see a legitimate obstacle to cooperating with the Turkish government in fighting criminals,” it explained.



Historically, fatwas have shaped both conflicts and peace initiatives. In 1965, for example, Imam Sayyid Mohsen al-Hakim prohibited violence against Kurdish peshmerga fighters during the Aylul Revolution. Nine years later, Grand Ayatollah Muhammad Baqir Al-Sadr echoed the same commitment, further fortifying the ethical and religious argument against warfare targeting Kurds. Both fatwas laid the groundwork for strong communal ties between Shi’ites and Kurds during the Iran-Iraq War and as both suffered under Baathist rule. Iraqi Kurdistan Region President Nechirvan Barzani for that reason has praised both fatwas.

Kurds also appreciate Grand Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani’s 2012 fatwa prohibiting fighting against the Kurds at a time when Kurdistan Democratic Party leader Masoud Barzani and Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al Maliki stoked hatred between the Kurds and Shi’a as they contested power and resources. Al-Sistani declared those who violated this decree ineligible for martyrdom. His moral guidance contributed to Kurdish-Arab harmony in post-2003 Iraq. Kurdish leaders regularly reference Al-Sistani’s principled stance as a model for establishing genuine brotherhood and peaceful coexistence in multiethnic states.

In contrast to this, Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, leader of the Islamic Revolution, issued a fatwa in 1979 to authorize combat against Iranian Kurds. His words deepened ethnic divisions, sowed mistrust, and damaged Iran’s national cohesion. Al-Rifa’i’s fatwa now echoes Khomeini more than Hakim, Sadr, or Sistani and promotes violence rather than reconciliation. Al Sharaa’s exclusion of Kurds from the new Syrian cabinet only heightens concerns further.

Al-Sharaa might project a moderate face to the West, but his promotion of Al-Rifa’i to Syria’s most prestigious religious post shows his true colors. Rather than promote national dialogue, he reinforces sectarian polarization. The regime’s persistent neglect of Kurd, Shi’a, Druze, and other minorities jeopardizes any hope for sustainable peace.