This is a single paragraph from a book that captures the Politics of this country accurately. It was written by 2 foreigners who don't even reside in this country. They see things that we fail to. Read carefully to capture the nuances of of every sentence.
"For approximately three decades, politics in Singapore was pluralistic and relatively open, but by the end of the 1960s pluralism was fighting a rearguard action against the monopolisation of all public discourse - not just politics - by the state. The PAP had won the 1959 elections as a radical socialist party with strong left-wing backing. Once in government, however, the right wing of the party under Lee Kuan Yew embarked on a more conservative and authoritarian course. In 1963 the Singapore government arrested most of the leading leftists in a security operation called Operation Cold Store, and then systematically began to dismantle and marginalise all forms of civil society in the country - from the labour and student unions to the clan associations and the Chinese Chamber of Commerce. By the beginning of the 1970s, it was clear that all paths were closed except for the one being built by the ruling party. This path of elitism, meritocracy, ethnic essentialism, state-directed industrialisation, and - a radical departure from reigning political orthodoxy among post-war nationalist movements - integration with global capitalism. By the mid 1970s, the ruling party's hegemony was so complete and its rule so successful - at least by its own measures - that it had become difficult to conceive of the earlier alternatives having ever had merit. Public discourse now contemplated with horror the possibility that the nation-building project could have had form other that which emerged. Alternatives were seen as options for failure, if not chaos and anarchy. Yet the studies presented here suggest that was not necessarily true. Alternative outcomes to the current state of affairs used to be well within the imagination of Singaporeans, and some of these alternatives may have have even contained viable seeds for a different kind of social development than that which Singapore experienced. The present did not just happen. It was crafted. Whether by design or by accident, intended or not, it was made by the actions of specific people at specific times. It is also true that people were caught, as it were, in the more imponderable and impersonal blind forces of history over which they had no real control. There were global economic, environmental, political and social trends at work, and those in Singpore could only hope to shield themselves from themselves from them or take advantage of them."
"For approximately three decades, politics in Singapore was pluralistic and relatively open, but by the end of the 1960s pluralism was fighting a rearguard action against the monopolisation of all public discourse - not just politics - by the state. The PAP had won the 1959 elections as a radical socialist party with strong left-wing backing. Once in government, however, the right wing of the party under Lee Kuan Yew embarked on a more conservative and authoritarian course. In 1963 the Singapore government arrested most of the leading leftists in a security operation called Operation Cold Store, and then systematically began to dismantle and marginalise all forms of civil society in the country - from the labour and student unions to the clan associations and the Chinese Chamber of Commerce. By the beginning of the 1970s, it was clear that all paths were closed except for the one being built by the ruling party. This path of elitism, meritocracy, ethnic essentialism, state-directed industrialisation, and - a radical departure from reigning political orthodoxy among post-war nationalist movements - integration with global capitalism. By the mid 1970s, the ruling party's hegemony was so complete and its rule so successful - at least by its own measures - that it had become difficult to conceive of the earlier alternatives having ever had merit. Public discourse now contemplated with horror the possibility that the nation-building project could have had form other that which emerged. Alternatives were seen as options for failure, if not chaos and anarchy. Yet the studies presented here suggest that was not necessarily true. Alternative outcomes to the current state of affairs used to be well within the imagination of Singaporeans, and some of these alternatives may have have even contained viable seeds for a different kind of social development than that which Singapore experienced. The present did not just happen. It was crafted. Whether by design or by accident, intended or not, it was made by the actions of specific people at specific times. It is also true that people were caught, as it were, in the more imponderable and impersonal blind forces of history over which they had no real control. There were global economic, environmental, political and social trends at work, and those in Singpore could only hope to shield themselves from themselves from them or take advantage of them."