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A political revolution in Japan. Let's See How PAPee DIES!

makapaaa

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<TABLE border=0 cellSpacing=0 cellPadding=0 width=452><TBODY><TR><TD vAlign=top width=452 colSpan=2>Published September 1, 2009
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</TD></TR><TR><TD vAlign=top width=452 colSpan=2>A political revolution in Japan

<TABLE class=storyLinks border=0 cellSpacing=4 cellPadding=1 width=136 align=right><TBODY><TR class=font10><TD width=20 align=right> </TD><TD>Email this article</TD></TR><TR class=font10><TD width=20 align=right> </TD><TD>Print article </TD></TR><TR class=font10><TD width=20 align=right> </TD><TD>Feedback</TD></TR></TBODY></TABLE>THE astonishing thing about the Democratic Party of Japan's (DPJ) landslide victory in Sunday's general election was not its dimensions but the fact that it could happen at all in Japan. For an ageing and conservative nation to cast aside the supposed safety offered by the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) that has governed for half a century, in favour of an untried and relatively youthful DPJ, is a stunning result. To call it a revolution would be no exaggeration.

There is no doubt that this was a rebellion rather than a token protest on the part of Japanese voters, and for good reason. The LDP had placed little importance on producing intelligent politicians to lead the nation and had concentrated more on a system of power exercised through political patronage in which an elite bureaucracy produced policies while Japanese business delivered an essentially export-led model of economic development, in return for political favours. All this has led Japan to a dead end, and the election outcome offers what is perhaps the last chance of escaping from it.
In order to do this, Japan has to shed its postwar habit of relying on the US not only for its national security but also its overall direction in foreign and economic policy. This fact was realised long ago by Ichiro Ozawa, the mastermind behind the DPJ and behind the strategy that led the party to grow from scratch to become a ruling political force in the space of 15 years. However justified is the credit given to DPJ president Yukio Hatoyama for Sunday's victory, the true laurels rest with Mr Ozawa.
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</TD></TR></TBODY></TABLE>Thus comments by analysts to the effect that the DPJ will simply represent continuity with LDP policies, rather than radical departures, could well be misinformed. The DPJ needed to sell a manifesto that would alarm neither Japanese voters nor Washington. But this does not limit what the party can do now that it is in power for the next four years.
Domestically and overseas, the priority is to undo the system that the LDP has created. First, the stranglehold that the bureaucracy exercises over government has to be broken if politicians are to have any impact on policymaking. This will require considerable finesse if the executive branch of government is not to seize up during the transition to a new polity.
The habit of allowing big business to lead Japan's economic development, chiefly through exports, is likely to cease and more emphasis will be put on domestic demand and consumer welfare. This transition will help to wean Japan off its postwar dependence upon the US and other export markets, creating the conditions to reshape the nation's regional and global alliances. Mr Ozawa has spoken about the need for a more 'arm's length' relationship between Japan and the United States, and the need for Japan to do what is in its own best interests rather than what suits Washington. Also likely is a greater emphasis on Asian integration, which Mr Hatoyama has indicated that he favours. Asia should wish his administration well.

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